The Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi failed in her latest bid to end more than a decade of house arrest today after the country's highest court threw out an appeal against her sentence.
The supreme court's decision was widely expected but her lawyer said he would launch a final special appeal to the supreme court after establishing the reasons why the latest attempt had been rejected. "The court order did not mention any reasons," he said.
The British ambassador Andrew Heyn attended the court session along with diplomats from Australia, France and the US.
"Although the decision comes as no surprise, it is deeply disappointing," he said. "We continue to believe that [Aung San Suu Kyi] should be released immediately, along with the other 2,000 and more prisoners of conscience." The French ambassador Jean-Pierre Lafosse said the 64-year-old democracy leader was "the victim of a sham trial".
Aung San Suu Kyi's lawyers appealed to the court last November, a month after a lower court upheld a decision to sentence her to 18 months of house arrest. She was convicted last August of violating the terms of her previous detention by briefly sheltering an American, John Yettaw who swam uninvited to her lakeside compound.
She was initially sentenced to three years in prison with hard labour in a trial that drew global condemnation, but the sentence was immediately commuted to 18 months of house arrest by junta chief Senior General Than Shwe.
Aung San Suu Kyi has been detained for 14 years. Her National League for Democracy won elections in 1990 by a landslide, but the military, which has ruled Burma since 1962, refused to cede power.
The junta has announced it would hold elections some time this year under a constitution that would allow the military to maintain substantial power. Aung San Suu Kyi's party has not announced whether it will contest the elections.
The court ruling also denied freedom to two female companions who share Suu Kyi's house arrest.
Burma has been widely criticised for its continued violation of human rights, including atrocities committed by its military against minority ethnic groups. Human rights campaigners say the junta holds 2,100 political prisoners.
Tin Oo, the 82-year-old deputy leader of Aung San Suu Kyi's party was released less than two weeks ago after nearly seven years in detention. On his release he said he was very hopeful Aung San Suu Kyi would also soon be freed.
Aung Din, executive director of the US Campaign for Burma lobby group condemned the Burmese judiciary system as "part of the regime's oppressive mechanism". "The only way to make the release [of Aung San Suu Kyi] and all political prisoners in Burma is to keep putting maximum pressure on Than Shwe and his cronies until they feel the heat," he said.
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/feb/26/aung-san-suu-kyi-loses-appeal
Friday 26 February 2010
Thursday 25 February 2010
Media Persona призвал присоединиться к про-демократического движения
Чиангмай (Mizzima) - Медиа-персона как дома, так и за рубежом, были призвал присоединиться к борьбе за демократию в Бирме, борьба, ветераны журналиста Ludu Сейн Вин и режиссер Win PE.
В видео Коммюнике направлен в Бирму конференция СМИ проходит в северном Таиланде с 24 февраля Ludu Сейн Вин сказал, "объективная СМИ переплетается с делу демократии и свободы в нашей стране. Поэтому я хотел бы просить всех вас взяться за руки и должна быть взаимной помощи и сотрудничестве, пока не достигнете своей цели ".
Ludu Сейн Вин приветствовал СМИ лиц, находящихся под атаки противников и противостоять правому делу и правду, потому что они на стороне народа и страны.
Известный писатель и кинорежиссер Win PE сказал в своем послании, что военный режим не только захватил исполнительную, законодательную и судебную основных направлений деятельности посредством военной мощи, а также захватили четвертый столп - средства массовой информации.
"Наиболее важным является четвертый столп - средства массовой информации. Это не просто вмешивается и тыкать носом в СМИ, факт остается фактом, средства массовой информации не существует в Бирме, на всех", сказал он.
"Я хотел бы сегодня по этому случаю, что вы можете сделать все возможное, являющихся членами средств массовой информации за прогресс, добрая воля, безопасность и свободу нашей страны - Союза Бирма", сказал Win PE.
Бирма медиа конференции в течение трех дней и принимают участие информационных агентств в стране и за рубежом, политиков, блоггеры и НПО, на которые приходится более 100 человек.
http://www.mizzima.com/news/regional/3578-media-persona-urged-to-join-pro-democracy-movement.html
В видео Коммюнике направлен в Бирму конференция СМИ проходит в северном Таиланде с 24 февраля Ludu Сейн Вин сказал, "объективная СМИ переплетается с делу демократии и свободы в нашей стране. Поэтому я хотел бы просить всех вас взяться за руки и должна быть взаимной помощи и сотрудничестве, пока не достигнете своей цели ".
Ludu Сейн Вин приветствовал СМИ лиц, находящихся под атаки противников и противостоять правому делу и правду, потому что они на стороне народа и страны.
Известный писатель и кинорежиссер Win PE сказал в своем послании, что военный режим не только захватил исполнительную, законодательную и судебную основных направлений деятельности посредством военной мощи, а также захватили четвертый столп - средства массовой информации.
"Наиболее важным является четвертый столп - средства массовой информации. Это не просто вмешивается и тыкать носом в СМИ, факт остается фактом, средства массовой информации не существует в Бирме, на всех", сказал он.
"Я хотел бы сегодня по этому случаю, что вы можете сделать все возможное, являющихся членами средств массовой информации за прогресс, добрая воля, безопасность и свободу нашей страны - Союза Бирма", сказал Win PE.
Бирма медиа конференции в течение трех дней и принимают участие информационных агентств в стране и за рубежом, политиков, блоггеры и НПО, на которые приходится более 100 человек.
http://www.mizzima.com/news/regional/3578-media-persona-urged-to-join-pro-democracy-movement.html
Wednesday 24 February 2010
Бирмы политических преследований подорвать выборы
Бирмы политических преследований подорвать выборы
Лишение свободы на срок Нау Охн Хла и трое других привлекают интерес за рубежом отчасти потому, что она совпала с визитом в Бирме, Специальный докладчик ООН по вопросам прав человека в стране, Томас Ojea Кинтана. Посланник справедливо подчеркнул, что выборы планируется в конце года не будут приняты всерьез за границей, если не будут освобождены все узники совести.
Но манера, в которой случаи политических заключенных проводится в Бирме подчеркивает трудности, с которыми сталкивается глобальное сообщество в документировании и устранения их падения. На той же неделе, что был заключен в тюрьму Нау Охн Хла, Азиатская комиссия по правам человека обратилась с призывом о новых обвинений против Ма Sandar, который был выпущен только в сентябре прошлого года после отбытия наказания, что было спровоцировано ее жалобы на коррумпированных советников. Новые дела против нее наступает по той же статьи закона и перед тем же судьей; результат тоже, вероятно, будет то же самое. За неделю до этого, Комиссия опубликовала призыв доктора Wint чт и еще восемь человек, которого Специальный отделение полиции незаконно арестованы и провели связи с внешним миром в течение почти трех месяцев. В декабре суд передал им сроки тюремного заключения до 71 лет за якобы планирует отмечать монахом под руководством восстания 2007 года. Доказательства прокуратуры состояла из признаний, которые были добыты путем применения пыток сотрудниками полиции.
Постоянное движение, задержанных в тюрьмах и из Бирмы по поводу обвинений, которые имеют мало или вообще ничего общего с реальной причины для их содержания под стражей и даже не столько с нормами права, которые суд претендовать на соблюдение делает отслеживание их дела и понять их механику полное время работы. Не успел являются лица, как Ма Sandar или Нау Охн Хла выпускать, чем они сами или другие арестован и обвинен в новых преступлениях. Есть сетка не Sweeps сотни или тысячи диссидентов, которые могут захватить заголовки за рубежом. При этом нет никаких массовых релизы: амнистий освободить место для новых заключенных, и обычно включает несколько политических заключенных, многие из которых близки к концу срока их полномочий или иначе. Вместо этого есть только ежедневный ближнего и обратно через уголовно турникетов. Существует только бессмысленным причинения бессмысленных наказаний в отношении таких людей, как Нау Охн Хла, Ма Sandar и доктора Wint чт, которые осуждены за мирские актов, что в большинстве других частей мира не возбудит официальный интереса, не говоря уже о привлечении уголовные санкции. Существует только жестокая банальность диктатурой, чьи институты политического и социального контроля не собирается уходить из-за выборов ".
Мнения, выраженные в линию юриста несет личную ответственность их авторов и не обязательно отражают точку зрения редактора юриста, сотрудников, или университете Питтсбурга.
Статьи ссылка: http://jurist.law.pitt.edu/hotline/ # 6831235426040960095
О АКПЧ: Азиатская комиссия по правам человека является региональной неправительственной организацией контроля и лоббирование вопросов прав человека в Азии. Гонконга на основе Группа была основана в 1984 году. Данное заявление было направлено только на АКПЧ.
http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/WO1002/S00548.html
Лишение свободы на срок Нау Охн Хла и трое других привлекают интерес за рубежом отчасти потому, что она совпала с визитом в Бирме, Специальный докладчик ООН по вопросам прав человека в стране, Томас Ojea Кинтана. Посланник справедливо подчеркнул, что выборы планируется в конце года не будут приняты всерьез за границей, если не будут освобождены все узники совести.
Но манера, в которой случаи политических заключенных проводится в Бирме подчеркивает трудности, с которыми сталкивается глобальное сообщество в документировании и устранения их падения. На той же неделе, что был заключен в тюрьму Нау Охн Хла, Азиатская комиссия по правам человека обратилась с призывом о новых обвинений против Ма Sandar, который был выпущен только в сентябре прошлого года после отбытия наказания, что было спровоцировано ее жалобы на коррумпированных советников. Новые дела против нее наступает по той же статьи закона и перед тем же судьей; результат тоже, вероятно, будет то же самое. За неделю до этого, Комиссия опубликовала призыв доктора Wint чт и еще восемь человек, которого Специальный отделение полиции незаконно арестованы и провели связи с внешним миром в течение почти трех месяцев. В декабре суд передал им сроки тюремного заключения до 71 лет за якобы планирует отмечать монахом под руководством восстания 2007 года. Доказательства прокуратуры состояла из признаний, которые были добыты путем применения пыток сотрудниками полиции.
Постоянное движение, задержанных в тюрьмах и из Бирмы по поводу обвинений, которые имеют мало или вообще ничего общего с реальной причины для их содержания под стражей и даже не столько с нормами права, которые суд претендовать на соблюдение делает отслеживание их дела и понять их механику полное время работы. Не успел являются лица, как Ма Sandar или Нау Охн Хла выпускать, чем они сами или другие арестован и обвинен в новых преступлениях. Есть сетка не Sweeps сотни или тысячи диссидентов, которые могут захватить заголовки за рубежом. При этом нет никаких массовых релизы: амнистий освободить место для новых заключенных, и обычно включает несколько политических заключенных, многие из которых близки к концу срока их полномочий или иначе. Вместо этого есть только ежедневный ближнего и обратно через уголовно турникетов. Существует только бессмысленным причинения бессмысленных наказаний в отношении таких людей, как Нау Охн Хла, Ма Sandar и доктора Wint чт, которые осуждены за мирские актов, что в большинстве других частей мира не возбудит официальный интереса, не говоря уже о привлечении уголовные санкции. Существует только жестокая банальность диктатурой, чьи институты политического и социального контроля не собирается уходить из-за выборов ".
Мнения, выраженные в линию юриста несет личную ответственность их авторов и не обязательно отражают точку зрения редактора юриста, сотрудников, или университете Питтсбурга.
Статьи ссылка: http://jurist.law.pitt.edu/hotline/ # 6831235426040960095
О АКПЧ: Азиатская комиссия по правам человека является региональной неправительственной организацией контроля и лоббирование вопросов прав человека в Азии. Гонконга на основе Группа была основана в 1984 году. Данное заявление было направлено только на АКПЧ.
http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/WO1002/S00548.html
Burma's youth rapping for change
This year looks set to be a crucial one for Burma.
The military government plans to stage the first elections for 20 years and international attention is likely to be focused on the detained pro democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
But there is another group working to bring about change in Burma whose methods are less conventional.
Generation Wave is a group of hip hop-loving, young Burmese, dedicated to overthrowing the military government.
Their campaigns are run inside Burma, but the group has a safe house in the town of Mae Sot, just across the border in Thailand.
9KT has a mischievous grin, a warm handshake and an unmistakable aura of cool.
He is 27 years old and, clearly, 9KT is not his real name.
The members of Generation Wave never use their real names in public.
Music is the only language everyone understands
9KT
But given 9KT's role in the organisation, the alias fits perfectly. His official title is head of artistic projects but essentially he is Rapper-in-Chief.
9KT's latest brainchild is a CD featuring songs written and performed by Generation Wave members.
I was treated to an acoustic medley when I visited the group's safe house in the Thai border town of Mae Sot.
The singing was full of passion. But the guitar was badly out of tune, and the cigarettes and teeth-staining red beetle nuts being chewed intermittently softened the impact a bit.
Serious risks
Generation Wave "unplugged" is not likely to win any Grammys. More importantly, it is not likely to inspire an uprising.
But the group is hoping the recorded version, a mixture of hip hop, rock and pop, will be an underground hit back in Burma.
The CD will be distributed by volunteer activists and 9KT is clearly very proud of it.
The frontier town of Mae Sot is full of people from Burma
"Music is the only language everyone understands," he told me.
"We've recorded different types of songs so everyone, whatever their age or gender, can listen to it and know what's right and what's wrong."
Generation Wave wants to encourage the Burmese people to rise up and overthrow the military government.
That may seem like a naïve notion. But the organisation grew out of what became known as the saffron revolution - the 2007 protests led by saffron robed monks, which were violently put down by the Burmese military.
So Generation Wave is grounded in harsh reality.
The group has a strict policy of non violence. No-one under 17 or over 35 years old can join and anyone who does sign up must officially live in Burma and be prepared to take risks. Serious risks.
About 30 Generation Wave members have been imprisoned.
So the safe house, just across the border in Thailand, is an important refuge.
It is in a quiet lane in Mae Sot, a frontier town with at least as many Burmese as Thais living in it.
The transient population is a mixture of migrant workers, traders and political exiles.
The Generation Wave house is a place to plot and scheme, and learn.
The Burmese people are like the boxer's right hand. They are the ones who can deliver the knock out blow
Gali
The garage has been turned into a permanent classroom, complete with a white board, overhead projector, desks and laptops.
Visiting speakers are invited to provide training on everything from leafleting to graffiti designs.
The concrete walls surrounding the house are covered in brightly coloured spray painted slogans.
The Generation Wave logo, a clenched red fist with the thumb pointing up, features heavily.
When I visited a special tutorial on internet security was being given by a young, long-haired, Thai media expert. There was a lot of talk about Googlemail contacts lists, and Facebook privacy settings and encrypted messages.
Or at least I think that is what it was. The session was being translated from Thai-accented English into Burmese, though to be honest, a lot of it would have been impenetrable to me in any language.
Revolution
But for Generation Wave members, learning to cover your tracks and protect your sources is a matter of survival.
Internet cafes, mobile phones and e-mail accounts are monitored closely in Burma.
Over lunch the talk turned inevitably to the latest news from across the border.
Bright graffiti slogans cover the walls of the Generation Wave house
Kitchen duties and menus are divided between the housemates according to a rota pinned up on the wall.
As bowls of Burmese chicken curry and steamed rice were placed on the long wooden table, an earnest 24-year-old called Gali was engaged in what seemed to be a intense political discussion with a slightly older man who had been acting as the translator in class.
I could make out the words "constitution" and "Than Shwe", the name of Burma's military leader.
Gali, another alias, is Generation Wave's logistics man.
Given the might of the Burmese military, I asked him, what could he and his group really do to bring about change?
"We're like the left hand of a boxer," he told me.
"Generation Wave can soften up the government. But the Burmese people are like the boxer's right hand. They are the ones who can deliver the knock-out blow."
Generation Wave is punching well above its weight.
The group's ultimate goal is to inspire a revolution. And with an election scheduled in Burma sometime this year, they are planning a series of new ventures, including, of course, the CD.
My own copy is playing on my laptop as I write this. 9KT rapping over a lyrical riff about the need for the Burmese people to get up.
A musical reminder of a day spent with a group of young rebels with a very real cause - freedom and democracy in their homeland.
The military government plans to stage the first elections for 20 years and international attention is likely to be focused on the detained pro democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
But there is another group working to bring about change in Burma whose methods are less conventional.
Generation Wave is a group of hip hop-loving, young Burmese, dedicated to overthrowing the military government.
Their campaigns are run inside Burma, but the group has a safe house in the town of Mae Sot, just across the border in Thailand.
9KT has a mischievous grin, a warm handshake and an unmistakable aura of cool.
He is 27 years old and, clearly, 9KT is not his real name.
The members of Generation Wave never use their real names in public.
Music is the only language everyone understands
9KT
But given 9KT's role in the organisation, the alias fits perfectly. His official title is head of artistic projects but essentially he is Rapper-in-Chief.
9KT's latest brainchild is a CD featuring songs written and performed by Generation Wave members.
I was treated to an acoustic medley when I visited the group's safe house in the Thai border town of Mae Sot.
The singing was full of passion. But the guitar was badly out of tune, and the cigarettes and teeth-staining red beetle nuts being chewed intermittently softened the impact a bit.
Serious risks
Generation Wave "unplugged" is not likely to win any Grammys. More importantly, it is not likely to inspire an uprising.
But the group is hoping the recorded version, a mixture of hip hop, rock and pop, will be an underground hit back in Burma.
The CD will be distributed by volunteer activists and 9KT is clearly very proud of it.
The frontier town of Mae Sot is full of people from Burma
"Music is the only language everyone understands," he told me.
"We've recorded different types of songs so everyone, whatever their age or gender, can listen to it and know what's right and what's wrong."
Generation Wave wants to encourage the Burmese people to rise up and overthrow the military government.
That may seem like a naïve notion. But the organisation grew out of what became known as the saffron revolution - the 2007 protests led by saffron robed monks, which were violently put down by the Burmese military.
So Generation Wave is grounded in harsh reality.
The group has a strict policy of non violence. No-one under 17 or over 35 years old can join and anyone who does sign up must officially live in Burma and be prepared to take risks. Serious risks.
About 30 Generation Wave members have been imprisoned.
So the safe house, just across the border in Thailand, is an important refuge.
It is in a quiet lane in Mae Sot, a frontier town with at least as many Burmese as Thais living in it.
The transient population is a mixture of migrant workers, traders and political exiles.
The Generation Wave house is a place to plot and scheme, and learn.
The Burmese people are like the boxer's right hand. They are the ones who can deliver the knock out blow
Gali
The garage has been turned into a permanent classroom, complete with a white board, overhead projector, desks and laptops.
Visiting speakers are invited to provide training on everything from leafleting to graffiti designs.
The concrete walls surrounding the house are covered in brightly coloured spray painted slogans.
The Generation Wave logo, a clenched red fist with the thumb pointing up, features heavily.
When I visited a special tutorial on internet security was being given by a young, long-haired, Thai media expert. There was a lot of talk about Googlemail contacts lists, and Facebook privacy settings and encrypted messages.
Or at least I think that is what it was. The session was being translated from Thai-accented English into Burmese, though to be honest, a lot of it would have been impenetrable to me in any language.
Revolution
But for Generation Wave members, learning to cover your tracks and protect your sources is a matter of survival.
Internet cafes, mobile phones and e-mail accounts are monitored closely in Burma.
Over lunch the talk turned inevitably to the latest news from across the border.
Bright graffiti slogans cover the walls of the Generation Wave house
Kitchen duties and menus are divided between the housemates according to a rota pinned up on the wall.
As bowls of Burmese chicken curry and steamed rice were placed on the long wooden table, an earnest 24-year-old called Gali was engaged in what seemed to be a intense political discussion with a slightly older man who had been acting as the translator in class.
I could make out the words "constitution" and "Than Shwe", the name of Burma's military leader.
Gali, another alias, is Generation Wave's logistics man.
Given the might of the Burmese military, I asked him, what could he and his group really do to bring about change?
"We're like the left hand of a boxer," he told me.
"Generation Wave can soften up the government. But the Burmese people are like the boxer's right hand. They are the ones who can deliver the knock-out blow."
Generation Wave is punching well above its weight.
The group's ultimate goal is to inspire a revolution. And with an election scheduled in Burma sometime this year, they are planning a series of new ventures, including, of course, the CD.
My own copy is playing on my laptop as I write this. 9KT rapping over a lyrical riff about the need for the Burmese people to get up.
A musical reminder of a day spent with a group of young rebels with a very real cause - freedom and democracy in their homeland.
Monday 22 February 2010
Obama got the DEAF EARS on the Burmese American Imprisonment
Nyi Nyi Aung, a Burmese American has been framed and imprisoned in Burma by military regime.
Unlike the case of crazy John Yettaw who swam across the lake to the villa of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's residence because of which our precious National Leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been put under house arrest again, there seem to be no one hearing the outcries of the Nyi Nyi Aung's wife as well as from Burma Democracy Movement calling for US Government to put pressure on Burmese junta to release him.
American government showed serious concerns for the release of John Yettaw and Jim Webb was swift to fly Burma securing the release of the White American, John Yettaw.
If Obama administration doesn't take timely action, it would give the impression that since Nyi Nyi Aung is a Burmese Asian American, Obama’s administration pays little attention on his freedom. One would bet that Obama will take action seriously if Nyi Nyi Aung were the White American like John Yettaw or Black American like himself, if necessary; he would rage war with junta.
The Burma Democratic Concern (BDC)'s media coordinator Buffalohair wrote that "It is sad to note that Burma’s struggle for democracy was kicked in the teeth by the very country they wanted to emulate in democracy."1
According to the letter of wife of Nyi Nyi Aung which appears in “The Strait Times”, she said – “to the President Obama and Secretary Clinton, my message is simple. Neither your words nor your actions show that you take my fiancé’s imprisonment seriously,” she wrote. “I beg you to stop ignoring his plight, and to help secure his release from this illegal and unjust imprisonment. Just as Nyi Nyi continues to live up to the oath we took to defend America, please, live up to the promise America made to defend us.”2
It is a sad story for a heart-breaking wife Wa Wa Kyaw and also it is true to say that she felt betrayed by the US government. We are very concerned that why Obama administration is so slow and so low in taking action to secure the release of the Burmese American citizen.
One might pray that there shouldn't be any discrimination in the United Sates or above all in the world at large.
In the letter sent to Aung San Suu Kyi's 63rd birthday, Obama'd stated that "If the junta continues its failure to protect the dignity, health and well-being of the Burmese people, the international community must be prepared to work harder toward effective coordinated action, including but not limited to action through the United Nations Security Council."
But, Obama has been so silence on Burma crisis since he came to power and I would like Obama to be aware that Burma crisis is in very critical situation. Military junta is planning to hold sham elections in 2010 in order to legitimise military rule in Burma. This is the time to translate words into actions for the Obama administration.
Obama you must speak up for Nyi Nyi Aung and you must speak up for Burma NOW!
NOW is the time.
Myo Thein
Director
Burma democratic Concern (BDC)
http://www.bdcburma.org/NewsDetails.asp?id=589
1. http://buffalohair.wordpress.com/2009/08/16/insult-to-injury/
2. http://www.straitstimes.com/BreakingNews/SEAsia/Story/STIStory_493238.html
Tags: Washington | Thailand | India | Sri Lanka | North Korea | Zimbabwe | World | Obama | Westminster | YANGON | US Politics | burmamyanmar | Burma Democratic Concern BDC | Myo Yan Naung Thein | Aung San Suu Kyi free Burma BDC bdcburma | U Tin Oo | Min Ko Naing | Nyi Nyi Aung
Burma's political prosecution of dissidents undermines legitimacy of planned elections
Min Myat Kyaw [Member, Asian Human Rights Commission]: "The sentencing of four supporters of democracy party leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to two years' imprisonment last week is the latest instance of how courts in Burma (Myanmar) operate under the military regime there to defeat civil and political rights, without regard to the terms of the very laws that they purport to uphold.
The imprisonment of Naw Ohn Hla and three others attracted some interest abroad partly because it coincided with a visit to Burma by the UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in the country, Tomas Ojea Quintana. The envoy has rightly emphasized that an election scheduled for late in the year will not be taken seriously abroad unless all prisoners of conscience are freed.
But the manner in which cases of political imprisonment are conducted in Burma underscores the difficulties that the global community faces in documenting and addressing their incidence. The same week that Naw Ohn Hla was jailed, the Asian Human Rights Commission issued an appeal on new charges against Ma Sandar, who was released just last September after serving a sentence that was instigated by her complaints about corrupt councilors. The new case against her is under the same sections of law and before the same judge; the outcome too will probably be the same. The week before, the Commission issued an appeal for Dr. Wint Thu and eight others, whom Special Branch police illegally arrested and held incommunicado for nearly three months. In December a court handed them jail terms of up to 71 years for allegedly planning to commemorate the monk-led uprising of 2007. The prosecutor's evidence consisted of confessions that were extracted through police torture.
The constant movement of detainees to and from Burma's jails on charges that have little or nothing to do with the real reasons for their custody and even less to do with the standards of law that the courts pretend to enforce makes tracking their cases and understanding their mechanics a full time job. No sooner are persons like Ma Sandar or Naw Ohn Hla let out than they or others are rearrested and charged with new offences. There are no sweeps netting hundreds or thousands of dissidents that might grab headlines overseas. Nor are there any mass releases: amnesties free up space for new inmates, and typically include few political prisoners, many of whom are near to the end of their terms anyhow. Instead there is only a daily passing back and forth through the penal turnstiles. There is only the pointless inflicting of meaningless punishments on people like Naw Ohn Hla, Ma Sandar and Dr. Wint Thu, who are condemned for mundane acts that in most other parts of the world would not excite official interest, let alone attract criminal sanctions. There is only the cruel banality of a dictatorship whose institutions for political and social control are not going to go away on account of an election."
http://jurist.law.pitt.edu/hotline/2010/02/burmas-political-prosecution-of.php
The imprisonment of Naw Ohn Hla and three others attracted some interest abroad partly because it coincided with a visit to Burma by the UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in the country, Tomas Ojea Quintana. The envoy has rightly emphasized that an election scheduled for late in the year will not be taken seriously abroad unless all prisoners of conscience are freed.
But the manner in which cases of political imprisonment are conducted in Burma underscores the difficulties that the global community faces in documenting and addressing their incidence. The same week that Naw Ohn Hla was jailed, the Asian Human Rights Commission issued an appeal on new charges against Ma Sandar, who was released just last September after serving a sentence that was instigated by her complaints about corrupt councilors. The new case against her is under the same sections of law and before the same judge; the outcome too will probably be the same. The week before, the Commission issued an appeal for Dr. Wint Thu and eight others, whom Special Branch police illegally arrested and held incommunicado for nearly three months. In December a court handed them jail terms of up to 71 years for allegedly planning to commemorate the monk-led uprising of 2007. The prosecutor's evidence consisted of confessions that were extracted through police torture.
The constant movement of detainees to and from Burma's jails on charges that have little or nothing to do with the real reasons for their custody and even less to do with the standards of law that the courts pretend to enforce makes tracking their cases and understanding their mechanics a full time job. No sooner are persons like Ma Sandar or Naw Ohn Hla let out than they or others are rearrested and charged with new offences. There are no sweeps netting hundreds or thousands of dissidents that might grab headlines overseas. Nor are there any mass releases: amnesties free up space for new inmates, and typically include few political prisoners, many of whom are near to the end of their terms anyhow. Instead there is only a daily passing back and forth through the penal turnstiles. There is only the pointless inflicting of meaningless punishments on people like Naw Ohn Hla, Ma Sandar and Dr. Wint Thu, who are condemned for mundane acts that in most other parts of the world would not excite official interest, let alone attract criminal sanctions. There is only the cruel banality of a dictatorship whose institutions for political and social control are not going to go away on account of an election."
http://jurist.law.pitt.edu/hotline/2010/02/burmas-political-prosecution-of.php
Sunday 21 February 2010
http://www.mizzima.com/news/inside-burma/3558-nld-presents-aung-san-suu-kyi-case-to-un-rights-envoy-.html
Chiang Mai, New Delhi (Mizzima) – The National League for Democracy's (NLD) Central Executive Committee (CEC) told UN rights envoy Tomas Ojea Quintana yesterday that Aung San Suu Kyi must to be released.
Her release is vital for Burma's national reconciliation; the five NLD CEC members told Quintana during their one hour meeting at Rangoon's Mya Yeik Nyo Royal Hotel.
“We talked with him about Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. We told him that she must be released. He also said that he wanted to meet with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi”, said U Win Tin an NLD CEC member present at the meeting.
Leading the NLD delegation was NLD Vice-Chairman Tin Oo the eighty-four year decorated soldier released last weekend after serving 6 years of house arrest.
“Mr. Quintana said to us that he was very glad to see all of our CEC members here and he was encouraged seeing us altogether. And he would note down what we presented here to him and report to his superiors”, Khin Maung Swe told Mizzima.
At the meeting the NLD brought up the junta's rejection of the NLD's 1990 election victory, the NLD's demand for the immediate release of all of Burma's more than 2000 and the urgent need to amend the widely reviled 2008 constitution which permanently enshrines the military's domination of national affairs.
The NLD team also made clear to the UN envoy that they were still adhering to the points outlined in the Shwe Gong Daing Declaration and therefore the party will not contest the upcoming national elections supposedly set to take place at some point this year. The Shwe Gong Daing Declaration was adopted last year and approved at plenary meeting attended by delegates from State and Division NLD branches, MPs and the party's central leadership.
“Human rights issues are important and they cannot be considered separate from basic politics. We have no plan to join the upcoming election. We will stand on the Shwe Gong Daing Declaration.”, Win Tin said.
In the Shwe Gong Daing Declaration, the NLD party called for amending the 2008 constitution, releasing all political prisoners, the resumption of real dialogue between the opposition and the military for national reconciliation and the need for some kind of official recognition of the NLD's 1990 election landslide victory.
During the meeting the NLD informed the UN rights envoy about the regimes numerous attacks on the NLD, including the forcible closing of NLD party offices, the removal of party signboards from NLD offices and the regime's various restrictions which prevent the NLD from working with the party's grassroots supporters.
Unclear if Envoy will be allowed to meet Aung San Suu Kyi
The envoy told the NLD representatives that he would leave for Naypyidaw on Friday and hoped that upon his return from the capital the generals would allow him to see Aung San Suu Kyi. It appears Quintana will only find out if he will be able to meet the Nobel Peace Prize Winner when he returns from the military regime's sparsely populated new capital.
Following the meeting the NLD expressed their satisfaction with the UN envoy and his visit to Burma.
“We are satisfied with his visit as he will present the human rights situation in Burma to the relevant UN authorities. With regards to Burma, it is not only a human rights issue, there are also political issues which must be presented too. We hope he understands about our political situation. We hope he also presents these political issues to the UN”, Win Tin said.
During his 5-days fact finding trip which began on the February 15th, Qunitana also visited Sittwe and Buthidaung prisons in Rakhine State. While in Rakhine State, the International Labour Organization (ILO) Resident Representative in Burma Steve Marshall also accompanied him. In Rakhine they met with over 20 NGOs and Muslim leaders.
According to the UN's Rangoon spokesperson at Buthidaung prison, Quintana met with prominent 88 Generation Student activist Htay Kywe and other political prisoners including Tun Nyo, Myat Tun, Ahmed and Kyaw Min. Kyaw Min, a member of the Rohingya minority and an elected MP member is presently serving a 47 year prison sentence following his 2005 arrest and subsequent nullification of his Burmese citizenship.
At Sittwe prison the envoys met with political prisoners Than Tin, Pyae Phyo Hlaing, Aung Tun Myint and U Sandar Thiri. After arriving back in Rangoon on Thursday, Quintana met with political prisoners at the infamous Insein prison. This group included Naw Ohn Hla, Ma Than Than Htay, Kyaw San, Kyi Than, Myo Win and Khai Kyaw Moe.
Although the Information Department of the UN's Rangoon office claimed their envoy would meet with ethnic leaders during his trip, the respected United Nationalities Alliance (UNA) told Mizzima they did not receive a request for a meeting from the UN.
The UNA spokesperson Pu Cing TsianThang.told Mizzima that “the SPDC (junta) interprets ethnic leaders as those having cordial relationship with them and non opposition parties. As we have not yet received any information from UN office until today, there is almost no hope for us to meet with him”.
http://www.mizzima.com/news/inside-burma/3558-nld-presents-aung-san-suu-kyi-case-to-un-rights-envoy-.html
Her release is vital for Burma's national reconciliation; the five NLD CEC members told Quintana during their one hour meeting at Rangoon's Mya Yeik Nyo Royal Hotel.
“We talked with him about Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. We told him that she must be released. He also said that he wanted to meet with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi”, said U Win Tin an NLD CEC member present at the meeting.
Leading the NLD delegation was NLD Vice-Chairman Tin Oo the eighty-four year decorated soldier released last weekend after serving 6 years of house arrest.
“Mr. Quintana said to us that he was very glad to see all of our CEC members here and he was encouraged seeing us altogether. And he would note down what we presented here to him and report to his superiors”, Khin Maung Swe told Mizzima.
At the meeting the NLD brought up the junta's rejection of the NLD's 1990 election victory, the NLD's demand for the immediate release of all of Burma's more than 2000 and the urgent need to amend the widely reviled 2008 constitution which permanently enshrines the military's domination of national affairs.
The NLD team also made clear to the UN envoy that they were still adhering to the points outlined in the Shwe Gong Daing Declaration and therefore the party will not contest the upcoming national elections supposedly set to take place at some point this year. The Shwe Gong Daing Declaration was adopted last year and approved at plenary meeting attended by delegates from State and Division NLD branches, MPs and the party's central leadership.
“Human rights issues are important and they cannot be considered separate from basic politics. We have no plan to join the upcoming election. We will stand on the Shwe Gong Daing Declaration.”, Win Tin said.
In the Shwe Gong Daing Declaration, the NLD party called for amending the 2008 constitution, releasing all political prisoners, the resumption of real dialogue between the opposition and the military for national reconciliation and the need for some kind of official recognition of the NLD's 1990 election landslide victory.
During the meeting the NLD informed the UN rights envoy about the regimes numerous attacks on the NLD, including the forcible closing of NLD party offices, the removal of party signboards from NLD offices and the regime's various restrictions which prevent the NLD from working with the party's grassroots supporters.
Unclear if Envoy will be allowed to meet Aung San Suu Kyi
The envoy told the NLD representatives that he would leave for Naypyidaw on Friday and hoped that upon his return from the capital the generals would allow him to see Aung San Suu Kyi. It appears Quintana will only find out if he will be able to meet the Nobel Peace Prize Winner when he returns from the military regime's sparsely populated new capital.
Following the meeting the NLD expressed their satisfaction with the UN envoy and his visit to Burma.
“We are satisfied with his visit as he will present the human rights situation in Burma to the relevant UN authorities. With regards to Burma, it is not only a human rights issue, there are also political issues which must be presented too. We hope he understands about our political situation. We hope he also presents these political issues to the UN”, Win Tin said.
During his 5-days fact finding trip which began on the February 15th, Qunitana also visited Sittwe and Buthidaung prisons in Rakhine State. While in Rakhine State, the International Labour Organization (ILO) Resident Representative in Burma Steve Marshall also accompanied him. In Rakhine they met with over 20 NGOs and Muslim leaders.
According to the UN's Rangoon spokesperson at Buthidaung prison, Quintana met with prominent 88 Generation Student activist Htay Kywe and other political prisoners including Tun Nyo, Myat Tun, Ahmed and Kyaw Min. Kyaw Min, a member of the Rohingya minority and an elected MP member is presently serving a 47 year prison sentence following his 2005 arrest and subsequent nullification of his Burmese citizenship.
At Sittwe prison the envoys met with political prisoners Than Tin, Pyae Phyo Hlaing, Aung Tun Myint and U Sandar Thiri. After arriving back in Rangoon on Thursday, Quintana met with political prisoners at the infamous Insein prison. This group included Naw Ohn Hla, Ma Than Than Htay, Kyaw San, Kyi Than, Myo Win and Khai Kyaw Moe.
Although the Information Department of the UN's Rangoon office claimed their envoy would meet with ethnic leaders during his trip, the respected United Nationalities Alliance (UNA) told Mizzima they did not receive a request for a meeting from the UN.
The UNA spokesperson Pu Cing TsianThang.told Mizzima that “the SPDC (junta) interprets ethnic leaders as those having cordial relationship with them and non opposition parties. As we have not yet received any information from UN office until today, there is almost no hope for us to meet with him”.
http://www.mizzima.com/news/inside-burma/3558-nld-presents-aung-san-suu-kyi-case-to-un-rights-envoy-.html
Thursday 18 February 2010
Посланник ООН встретился с Тин
Посланник ООН встретился с Тин
Посланник ООН в Бирме, Томаса Ojea Quintana, рассказал оппозиционной Национальной лиги за демократию (НЛД), заместителя Тин, что он планирует встретиться с Аун Сан Су Чжи, прежде чем он заключает его визита завтра.
В четверг, посланник ООН встретился с Тин, вице-председатель НЛД, который был освобожден после шести лет домашнего ареста в минувшие выходные, а также других высокопоставленных должностных лиц партии, как часть своего пятидневного визита в Бирму для изучения с правами человека накануне выборов.
Тина, 82, был арестован вместе с задержанным Су Чжи в 2003 году при поддержке правительства толпы напали на автоколонну в ходе политической тура в Верхней Бирме.
В течение одного часа заседания, Кинтана сказал Тин и пять должностных лиц НЛД, включая Вин Тин, что он надеется встретиться с Су Чжи, прежде чем он заключает его визита в пятницу, сказал представитель НЛД Кхин Маунг Шве, который также вступил в заседании.
"У Тин Кинтана заявил, что Аун Сан Су Чжи, должны быть освобождены, если власть хочет, чтобы ее принять участие в процессе национального примирения, а также потому, что она задержан в соответствии с законом от 1974 года Конституции, которая больше не существует", Кхин Маунг Све рассказали Иравади.
Когда Кинтана вопрос о позиции НЛД на выборах, партийные чиновники ответили, что они еще не решили, будут ли они участвовать или нет. Решение будет принято только после встречи с лидером партии Су Чжи, сказали они.
"Мы говорили, что даже после выхода закона о выборах, это будет непростой задачей для партии решили участвовать в выборах без освобождения Аун Сан Су Чжи," Кин Маунг Све сказал.
"Во-первых, важно, чтобы встретиться с г-жой Су, и второе очень важно встретиться с старшему генералу Тан Шве, сказал Кин Маунг Све, добавив, что без этих мер не будет политического решения.
В пятницу, Кинтана проведет встречи с правительственными чиновниками в Найпьидо прежде чем вернуться в Янгон.
Посланник ООН отправился в печально известной тюрьме Инсейн в полдень в четверг рассмотреть обращение бирманских властей о политических заключенных.
Власти неоднократно заявляли, что выборы будут проведены в этом году, хотя оно не установили дату, ни издали законы о выборах. Тем не менее, она продолжает свое наступление на инакомыслящих. Четыре диссидентов были приговорены к тюремному заключению сроком на понедельник, на следующий день посланник ООН прибыли.
Посланник ООН в Бирме, Томаса Ojea Quintana, рассказал оппозиционной Национальной лиги за демократию (НЛД), заместителя Тин, что он планирует встретиться с Аун Сан Су Чжи, прежде чем он заключает его визита завтра.
В четверг, посланник ООН встретился с Тин, вице-председатель НЛД, который был освобожден после шести лет домашнего ареста в минувшие выходные, а также других высокопоставленных должностных лиц партии, как часть своего пятидневного визита в Бирму для изучения с правами человека накануне выборов.
Тина, 82, был арестован вместе с задержанным Су Чжи в 2003 году при поддержке правительства толпы напали на автоколонну в ходе политической тура в Верхней Бирме.
В течение одного часа заседания, Кинтана сказал Тин и пять должностных лиц НЛД, включая Вин Тин, что он надеется встретиться с Су Чжи, прежде чем он заключает его визита в пятницу, сказал представитель НЛД Кхин Маунг Шве, который также вступил в заседании.
"У Тин Кинтана заявил, что Аун Сан Су Чжи, должны быть освобождены, если власть хочет, чтобы ее принять участие в процессе национального примирения, а также потому, что она задержан в соответствии с законом от 1974 года Конституции, которая больше не существует", Кхин Маунг Све рассказали Иравади.
Когда Кинтана вопрос о позиции НЛД на выборах, партийные чиновники ответили, что они еще не решили, будут ли они участвовать или нет. Решение будет принято только после встречи с лидером партии Су Чжи, сказали они.
"Мы говорили, что даже после выхода закона о выборах, это будет непростой задачей для партии решили участвовать в выборах без освобождения Аун Сан Су Чжи," Кин Маунг Све сказал.
"Во-первых, важно, чтобы встретиться с г-жой Су, и второе очень важно встретиться с старшему генералу Тан Шве, сказал Кин Маунг Све, добавив, что без этих мер не будет политического решения.
В пятницу, Кинтана проведет встречи с правительственными чиновниками в Найпьидо прежде чем вернуться в Янгон.
Посланник ООН отправился в печально известной тюрьме Инсейн в полдень в четверг рассмотреть обращение бирманских властей о политических заключенных.
Власти неоднократно заявляли, что выборы будут проведены в этом году, хотя оно не установили дату, ни издали законы о выборах. Тем не менее, она продолжает свое наступление на инакомыслящих. Четыре диссидентов были приговорены к тюремному заключению сроком на понедельник, на следующий день посланник ООН прибыли.
Monday 15 February 2010
Parliament Questions
Burma: Arms Trade
Dr. Pugh: To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs whether his Department has had discussions with the government of (a) Canada, (b) New Zealand and (c) Brazil on an arms embargo against Burma. [316244]
Mr. Ivan Lewis: The Government maintains a dialogue with a wide range of international partners on Burma, including the governments of Canada and New Zealand. In recent weeks we have also shared details of our position on Burma with Brazil, which became a non-permanent member of the Security Council in January.
In August 2009, my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister wrote to UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon and his fellow UN Security Council members underlining that no one should be selling arms to a military regime with an appalling human rights record. A global arms embargo remains a priority for this Government, and we will continue to press for progress in our bilateral contacts and in relevant multi-lateral fora.
Mr. Crabb: To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs what reports he has received of arms trading with Burma, with particular reference to arms from (a) India, (b) Russia and (c) China; and what assessment he has made of the effects of such trade on the situation in Burma. [316582]
Mr. Ivan Lewis: The Government believe that no one should be selling arms to the Burmese regime in view of their appalling human rights record and the high likelihood arms supplied will be use for internal repression. An EU arms embargo has been in place since 1996, and we are working to build support for a global arms embargo. To this end, my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister wrote to the UN Secretary General and all members of the Security Council in August 2009.
Reports suggest that India, China and Russia have all supplied arms to Burma. China is believed to be the leading arms supplier and in early January 2010, media reports suggested Russia had agreed to supply $600 million of combat aircraft and arms to the Burma regime. In response to these reports, our embassy in Moscow raised our concerns with the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
10 Feb 2010 : Column 979W
The ability of Burma to continue to purchase arms from a wide range of suppliers has helped to reduce their defence and security costs and modernise an army responsible for widespread and systematic human rights abuses.
Burma: Human Rights
Dr. Pugh: To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs what discussions he has had in the United Nations Human Rights Council and the United Nations General Assembly on reports of crimes against humanity and war crimes in Burma. [316245]
Mr. Ivan Lewis: The Government remain deeply concerned at the human rights situation in Burma and we regularly raise the issue with EU and other international partners, and in the UN's human rights bodies. At the last session of the Human Rights Council in September 2009, and at the UN General Assembly in November 2009, we helped to secure strong resolutions condemning the Burmese regime for ongoing and systematic human rights abuses. We will be looking to raise the issue again, and secure a further resolution, at the next session of the Human Rights Council in March 2010. In addition, we continue to give our full support to the efforts of the Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in Burma-Thomas Ojea Quintana, who is due to visit the country soon.
Mr. Carmichael: To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs whether he has had discussions with (a) his EU counterparts, (b) the United Nations Human Rights Council and (c) the United Nations General Assembly on reports of crimes against humanity in Burma. [316378]
Mr. Ivan Lewis: The Government remain deeply concerned at the human rights situation in Burma and we regularly raise the issue with EU and other international partners, and in the UN's human rights bodies. At the last session of the Human Rights Council in September 2009, and at the UN General Assembly in November 2009, we helped to secure strong resolutions condemning the Burmese regime for ongoing and systematic human rights abuses. We will be looking to raise the issue again, and secure a further resolution, at the next session of the Human Rights Council in March 2010. In addition, we continue to give our full support to the efforts of the Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in Burma, Thomas Ojea Quintana, who is due to visit the country soon.
Mr. Carmichael: To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs what aims and objectives he has set for the outcome of the United Nations Human Rights Council meeting on Burma. [316380]
Mr. Ivan Lewis: At the 13th session of the Human Rights Council in March 2010 we will work to secure a further, strong resolution condemning the continuing human right abuses in Burma. In our national intervention, and in the resolution text, we will seek to emphasise that the dire human rights situation, including the continued detention of 2100 political prisoners, child labour and the treatment of displaced people remain cause of significant concern. Burma's treatment of political leaders and suppression of freedom of expression undermine the credibility of elections planned for later this year.
10 Feb 2010 : Column 980W
Mr. Crabb: To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs if he will seek to secure EU targeted sanctions against the government of Burma until the human rights situation in Burma improves. [316581]
Mr. Ivan Lewis: The Government continue to believe that targeted EU sanctions against the military regime in Burma are an important means of maintaining pressure for political reform and respect for human rights. Sanctions introduced in 1996 have been strengthened over time, notably after the Saffron Revolution in 2007, and in August 2009 in response to the guilty verdict in Aung San Suu Kyi's trial. They are now among the EU's toughest autonomous measures against any country. The UK will not support any easing of sanctions in the absence of tangible progress on the ground.
Burma: Political Prisoners
Dr. Pugh: To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs whether he has had discussions in the United Nations Human Rights Council on the arrest of pro-democracy activist Nyi Nyi Aung in Burma in September 2009. [316241]
Mr. Ivan Lewis: We are deeply concerned at the arrest and imprisonment of Nyi Nyi Aung and are monitoring his case closely.
We continue to take every opportunity to raise the detention of Burma's 2100 political prisoners in the UN's Human Rights bodies. At the last session of the Human Rights Council in September 2009, and at the UN General Assembly in November 2009, we helped to secure strong resolutions calling for the release of all of political prisoners. We will be looking to raise the issue again, and secure a further resolution, at the next session of the Human Rights Council in March 2010.
Dr. Pugh: To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs whether he has made representations to the Burmese authorities on permitting the International Committee of the Red Cross to resume its inspection of prisons in Burma. [316242]
Mr. Ivan Lewis: The refusal of the Burmese authorities to allow the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) independent and unsupervised access to political prisoners remains a grave concern, particularly as the number of prisoners of conscience has doubled to over 2100 since the 'Saffron revolution' in autumn 2007. We continue to urge the military government to co-operate fully with the ICRC and allow an immediate resumption of prison visits.
The UN General Assembly highlighted their concern at the condition of prisons and urged the regime to comply with human rights law in a resolution passed in November 2009. Our Ambassador in Rangoon last raised the issue of independent prison access for the ICRC to the Burmese government in August 2009 during the last visit of the UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Burma. Our Ambassador regularly raises the plight of political prisoners with Burmese ministers, and we remain in close contact with the ICRC on this issue.
10 Feb 2010 : Column 981W
Dr. Pugh: To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs whether he has received reports on the recent sentencing and imprisonment of a journalist who worked with the Democratic Voice of Burma. [316243]
Mr. Ivan Lewis: We are aware that Democratic Voice of Burma journalist Ngwe Soe Lin was sentenced to 13 years in prison on 27 January 2010 by a Burmese military court for offences under the Electronic and Immigration Emergency Provisions Acts. This case follows the recent sentencing of two other journalists from the Democratic Voice of Burma to 20 and 26 years imprisonment respectively. At least 13 journalists and bloggers are currently detained in Burma, as the Burmese authorities seek to prevent the free flow of information in advance of elections planned for later this year.
The Government have consistently called on the military authorities to release all of Burma's over 2100 prisoners of conscience. Without their release, elections planned for later this year can have no international credibility.
Burma: Politics and Government
Mr. Carmichael: To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs if he will request the United Nations Security Council to undertake a review of the 2008 Burmese constitution together with representatives of (a) pro-democracy, (b) ethnic and (c) other groups in Burma. [316379]
Mr. Ivan Lewis: In November 2009 the UK helped to secure a UN General Assembly Resolution on the human rights situation in Burma, which called on the Burmese authorities to undertake a transparent, inclusive and comprehensive review of the Constitution while fully engaging with the democratic opposition and ethnic groups. We believe that a process of dialogue involving all actors in Burma will ensure a sustainable transition to democracy. This view is shared by other members of the EU and the United States of America.
In the UN Security Council, we regularly test the level of consensus for action on Burma, and have succeeded in securing discussion and a number of important Presidential Statements since autumn 2007. We do not judge, however, that an attempt to secure a Security Council review on the 2008 Constitution now would be successful. A resolution on Burma tabled in January 2007 was vetoed by two Permanent Members of the Council and any attempt to invalidate the Constitution will suffer the same fate.
http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200910/cmhansrd/cm100210/text/100210w0003.htm#10021071000485
Dr. Pugh: To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs whether his Department has had discussions with the government of (a) Canada, (b) New Zealand and (c) Brazil on an arms embargo against Burma. [316244]
Mr. Ivan Lewis: The Government maintains a dialogue with a wide range of international partners on Burma, including the governments of Canada and New Zealand. In recent weeks we have also shared details of our position on Burma with Brazil, which became a non-permanent member of the Security Council in January.
In August 2009, my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister wrote to UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon and his fellow UN Security Council members underlining that no one should be selling arms to a military regime with an appalling human rights record. A global arms embargo remains a priority for this Government, and we will continue to press for progress in our bilateral contacts and in relevant multi-lateral fora.
Mr. Crabb: To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs what reports he has received of arms trading with Burma, with particular reference to arms from (a) India, (b) Russia and (c) China; and what assessment he has made of the effects of such trade on the situation in Burma. [316582]
Mr. Ivan Lewis: The Government believe that no one should be selling arms to the Burmese regime in view of their appalling human rights record and the high likelihood arms supplied will be use for internal repression. An EU arms embargo has been in place since 1996, and we are working to build support for a global arms embargo. To this end, my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister wrote to the UN Secretary General and all members of the Security Council in August 2009.
Reports suggest that India, China and Russia have all supplied arms to Burma. China is believed to be the leading arms supplier and in early January 2010, media reports suggested Russia had agreed to supply $600 million of combat aircraft and arms to the Burma regime. In response to these reports, our embassy in Moscow raised our concerns with the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
10 Feb 2010 : Column 979W
The ability of Burma to continue to purchase arms from a wide range of suppliers has helped to reduce their defence and security costs and modernise an army responsible for widespread and systematic human rights abuses.
Burma: Human Rights
Dr. Pugh: To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs what discussions he has had in the United Nations Human Rights Council and the United Nations General Assembly on reports of crimes against humanity and war crimes in Burma. [316245]
Mr. Ivan Lewis: The Government remain deeply concerned at the human rights situation in Burma and we regularly raise the issue with EU and other international partners, and in the UN's human rights bodies. At the last session of the Human Rights Council in September 2009, and at the UN General Assembly in November 2009, we helped to secure strong resolutions condemning the Burmese regime for ongoing and systematic human rights abuses. We will be looking to raise the issue again, and secure a further resolution, at the next session of the Human Rights Council in March 2010. In addition, we continue to give our full support to the efforts of the Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in Burma-Thomas Ojea Quintana, who is due to visit the country soon.
Mr. Carmichael: To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs whether he has had discussions with (a) his EU counterparts, (b) the United Nations Human Rights Council and (c) the United Nations General Assembly on reports of crimes against humanity in Burma. [316378]
Mr. Ivan Lewis: The Government remain deeply concerned at the human rights situation in Burma and we regularly raise the issue with EU and other international partners, and in the UN's human rights bodies. At the last session of the Human Rights Council in September 2009, and at the UN General Assembly in November 2009, we helped to secure strong resolutions condemning the Burmese regime for ongoing and systematic human rights abuses. We will be looking to raise the issue again, and secure a further resolution, at the next session of the Human Rights Council in March 2010. In addition, we continue to give our full support to the efforts of the Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in Burma, Thomas Ojea Quintana, who is due to visit the country soon.
Mr. Carmichael: To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs what aims and objectives he has set for the outcome of the United Nations Human Rights Council meeting on Burma. [316380]
Mr. Ivan Lewis: At the 13th session of the Human Rights Council in March 2010 we will work to secure a further, strong resolution condemning the continuing human right abuses in Burma. In our national intervention, and in the resolution text, we will seek to emphasise that the dire human rights situation, including the continued detention of 2100 political prisoners, child labour and the treatment of displaced people remain cause of significant concern. Burma's treatment of political leaders and suppression of freedom of expression undermine the credibility of elections planned for later this year.
10 Feb 2010 : Column 980W
Mr. Crabb: To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs if he will seek to secure EU targeted sanctions against the government of Burma until the human rights situation in Burma improves. [316581]
Mr. Ivan Lewis: The Government continue to believe that targeted EU sanctions against the military regime in Burma are an important means of maintaining pressure for political reform and respect for human rights. Sanctions introduced in 1996 have been strengthened over time, notably after the Saffron Revolution in 2007, and in August 2009 in response to the guilty verdict in Aung San Suu Kyi's trial. They are now among the EU's toughest autonomous measures against any country. The UK will not support any easing of sanctions in the absence of tangible progress on the ground.
Burma: Political Prisoners
Dr. Pugh: To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs whether he has had discussions in the United Nations Human Rights Council on the arrest of pro-democracy activist Nyi Nyi Aung in Burma in September 2009. [316241]
Mr. Ivan Lewis: We are deeply concerned at the arrest and imprisonment of Nyi Nyi Aung and are monitoring his case closely.
We continue to take every opportunity to raise the detention of Burma's 2100 political prisoners in the UN's Human Rights bodies. At the last session of the Human Rights Council in September 2009, and at the UN General Assembly in November 2009, we helped to secure strong resolutions calling for the release of all of political prisoners. We will be looking to raise the issue again, and secure a further resolution, at the next session of the Human Rights Council in March 2010.
Dr. Pugh: To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs whether he has made representations to the Burmese authorities on permitting the International Committee of the Red Cross to resume its inspection of prisons in Burma. [316242]
Mr. Ivan Lewis: The refusal of the Burmese authorities to allow the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) independent and unsupervised access to political prisoners remains a grave concern, particularly as the number of prisoners of conscience has doubled to over 2100 since the 'Saffron revolution' in autumn 2007. We continue to urge the military government to co-operate fully with the ICRC and allow an immediate resumption of prison visits.
The UN General Assembly highlighted their concern at the condition of prisons and urged the regime to comply with human rights law in a resolution passed in November 2009. Our Ambassador in Rangoon last raised the issue of independent prison access for the ICRC to the Burmese government in August 2009 during the last visit of the UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Burma. Our Ambassador regularly raises the plight of political prisoners with Burmese ministers, and we remain in close contact with the ICRC on this issue.
10 Feb 2010 : Column 981W
Dr. Pugh: To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs whether he has received reports on the recent sentencing and imprisonment of a journalist who worked with the Democratic Voice of Burma. [316243]
Mr. Ivan Lewis: We are aware that Democratic Voice of Burma journalist Ngwe Soe Lin was sentenced to 13 years in prison on 27 January 2010 by a Burmese military court for offences under the Electronic and Immigration Emergency Provisions Acts. This case follows the recent sentencing of two other journalists from the Democratic Voice of Burma to 20 and 26 years imprisonment respectively. At least 13 journalists and bloggers are currently detained in Burma, as the Burmese authorities seek to prevent the free flow of information in advance of elections planned for later this year.
The Government have consistently called on the military authorities to release all of Burma's over 2100 prisoners of conscience. Without their release, elections planned for later this year can have no international credibility.
Burma: Politics and Government
Mr. Carmichael: To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs if he will request the United Nations Security Council to undertake a review of the 2008 Burmese constitution together with representatives of (a) pro-democracy, (b) ethnic and (c) other groups in Burma. [316379]
Mr. Ivan Lewis: In November 2009 the UK helped to secure a UN General Assembly Resolution on the human rights situation in Burma, which called on the Burmese authorities to undertake a transparent, inclusive and comprehensive review of the Constitution while fully engaging with the democratic opposition and ethnic groups. We believe that a process of dialogue involving all actors in Burma will ensure a sustainable transition to democracy. This view is shared by other members of the EU and the United States of America.
In the UN Security Council, we regularly test the level of consensus for action on Burma, and have succeeded in securing discussion and a number of important Presidential Statements since autumn 2007. We do not judge, however, that an attempt to secure a Security Council review on the 2008 Constitution now would be successful. A resolution on Burma tabled in January 2007 was vetoed by two Permanent Members of the Council and any attempt to invalidate the Constitution will suffer the same fate.
http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200910/cmhansrd/cm100210/text/100210w0003.htm#10021071000485
Ministerial Statement on Burma
MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS
STEPHEN SMITH
8 February 2010
Ministerial Statement on Burma
Mr Deputy Speaker.
I wish to update the House on developments in Burma.
On 4 January, Burma’s Independence Day, Burmese Senior General Than Shwe announced that plans were under way to conduct elections in Burma this year.
Elections have long been foreshadowed under the Burmese military’s so-called ‘Roadmap to Democracy’.
If elections do take place, they will be the first in Burma in 20 years.
This year will, therefore, be an important one for Burma, and an important one for the international community’s engagement with Burma.
Australia has long been appalled both by the Burmese military’s suppression of the democratic aspirations of the Burmese people and by its disrespect for their human rights.
It is worthwhile recalling some important events in this longstanding suppression.
A military regime, in some form, has ruled Burma since 1962, nearly 50 years.
We recall the bloody put down of pro-democracy protests in 1988, just over 20 years ago.
Since 1988 Australia has had in place visa restrictions against senior members of the Burmese regime and their associates and supporters.
Following the failure to implement the outcome of the 1990 elections, in 1991 Australia introduced a ban on defence exports to Burma.
This is a ban on the export to Burma of controlled goods as listed on the Defence and Strategic Goods List.
In October 2007, financial sanctions were introduced in response to the violent crackdown on democracy protesters.
These various sanctions – travel sanctions, defence sanctions and financial sanctions – have the common purpose of exerting pressure on Burma’s military regime.
At the same time, Australia has recognised that engaging the Burmese authorities serves important national, regional and international interests.
We live in the same region. Through regional forums like the ASEAN Post-Ministerial Conference, the ASEAN Regional Forum and the Bali Process on People Smuggling, Human Trafficking and Transnational Crime, Australia has had the opportunity to engage Burma on challenges like counter-narcotics, trafficking in people, disaster relief and pandemic disease.
As well, Australia has for many years sought to help the Burmese people through a program of humanitarian assistance targeting the most vulnerable.
This program, now worth nearly $30 million in 2009-10, assists with fighting infectious diseases such as avian influenza, HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis; provides food aid and agricultural expertise to alleviate rural poverty; protects displaced people; and supports children to attend and remain in primary school.
ASEAN, through its humanitarian work in Burma after Cyclone Nargis, has been vital in facilitating assistance from Australia and members of the international community to the Burmese people.
Common membership of regional organisations also allows us at Ministerial level to directly advocate democratic reform and national reconciliation – as I did when I met my counterpart Burmese Foreign Minister Nyan Win during the ASEAN-related meetings in Thailand in July 2009.
Mr Deputy Speaker.
On 12 August 2009 I addressed the House on Burma after Aung San Suu Kyi’s conviction on spurious charges, leading to her ongoing house arrest.
I set out then that Aung San Suu Kyi’s sentence effectively removed the prospect of her participation in any proposed 2010 elections and would detract from the credibility of those elections.
Since that time, there have been a number of important developments both within Burma and in the international community’s approach to Burma.
On 17 September 2009 the Burmese authorities released 128 political prisoners in an amnesty. This was a welcome, tentative step in the right direction.
Repression however continues.
On 31 December, 15 activists were sentenced to up to 71 years imprisonment each. There regrettably remain close to 2000 political prisoners in Burma, including Aung San Suu Kyi.
Australia again calls on Burma’s authorities to release them and allow them to participate fully and freely in the upcoming elections.
In September 2009, in the margins of the United Nations General Assembly, I joined ten other Foreign Ministers and United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon in a Ministerial-level meeting of the Secretary-General’s Group of Friends of Myanmar.
The participation in this meeting was evidence both of the international community’s desire to see progress in Burma and of its willingness to both work together and with the Secretary General towards this end.
At the meeting, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon identified three areas for future unity of purpose and action:
First, to urge Burma to work with the United Nations to ensure an inclusive process of dialogue and create the conditions for credible elections.
Second, to uphold the role of the United Nations in Burma.
And third, to signal the international community’s willingness to help the people of Burma, but noting that Burma’s military regime needed to respond to international concerns in order for this to occur.
My visit to New York for the General Assembly coincided with the announcement of the United States policy review on Burma.
The United States Administration concluded that a sanctions-only policy to isolate Burma’s military has not worked and that future US policy would combine engagement, appropriate sanctions and humanitarian assistance.
US Secretary of State Clinton said that any debate that pits sanctions against engagement created a false choice, and that the international community would need to employ both of these tools.
Australia has welcomed this approach, as has the international community generally.
As to developments within Burma, on 25 September 2009 Aung San Suu Kyi wrote to Senior General Than Shwe offering to work with the Burmese authorities on the withdrawal of international sanctions, and asking to meet representatives of the European Union, the United States and Australia.
The fact that Australia was one of these three was significant and reflects the longstanding interest Australians have in Burma.
The authorities agreed to this request.
On 9 October 2009 Australia’s Chargé d’Affaires, together with the UK Ambassador and the US Chargé d’Affaires, met Aung San Suu Kyi in Rangoon.
The meeting was the first opportunity for a substantive discussion between an Australian representative and Aung San Suu Kyi since February 2003.
Australia’s Chargé conveyed a message from the Prime Minister which expressed the support of the Australian Government and the people of Australia for Aung San Suu Kyi and her struggle for democracy in Burma.
This was warmly welcomed by Aung San Suu Kyi.
Australia welcomed the subsequent visit to Burma in early November by United States Assistant Secretary of State Kurt Campbell and the meetings he held with the Burmese authorities, with Aung San Suu Kyi and with representatives of a number of ethnic minorities.
Aung San Suu Kyi wrote further to Senior General Than Shwe on 11 November 2009 requesting contact with her party’s Central Executive Committee.
In response to her request, she was permitted to meet three of the Central Executive Committee’s elders, including Chairman U Aung Shwe, on 16 December 2009.
Australia hopes that a meeting with the full Executive will take place soon.
This is the first substantial contact which Aung San Suu Kyi has had with the leadership of the National League for Democracy since 2007, and is warmly welcomed by the Australian Government as essential to democratic and political progress in Burma.
Australia hopes these initial engagements between Aung San Suu Kyi, the Burmese authorities and the international community are the beginning of a process of genuine dialogue.
Elections
Mr Deputy Speaker.
The Burmese authorities have embarked on the so-called “Roadmap to Democracy”, a strictly controlled process of potential political change.
It was a matter of great regret that they pushed ahead with a constitutional referendum, the fourth step in their Roadmap, in the midst of the disaster of Cyclone Nargis in May 2008.
That referendum was a regrettable sham.
Not surprisingly, political parties in Burma, including the National League for Democracy, and parties representing ethnic groups, are carefully considering whether to participate in the 2010 elections.
Burma’s authorities have an opportunity to engage the people, to ensure the full and free participation in the elections of the Burmese opposition, nascent political parties, and ethnic groups.
For Burma’s longer-term stability and security, the coming political process needs to address the concerns of the country’s diverse ethnic minority groups.
While, of course, given the history of these matters, there are long standing reservations, Australia will not pre-judge the process and the outcome of these elections.
Australia urges Burma’s authorities to seize this opportunity to genuinely move their country forward.
Development Assistance
Mr Deputy Speaker.
Australia has long provided humanitarian assistance to Burma.
In the 2009-10 Budget, the Government allocated nearly $30 million in humanitarian assistance, a significant increase in base funding over the previous year.
This will help address the pressing needs of the Burmese people.
Half of Burma’s almost 50 million people live in extreme poverty.
Child mortality rates are among the highest in the world.
Decades of military rule have eroded civil society and civilian institutions.
Skills have been lost and infrastructure has deteriorated.
At some stage into the future, Burma will have a civilian Government, which will face great challenges.
At some stage into the future, the regional and international community will be asked to help in the rebuilding of Burma’s economic and social structures.
Australia’s view therefore is that the international community help prepare Burma for the future.
Burma’s capacity cannot be allowed to completely atrophy to the ultimate disadvantage and cost of its people.
The international community needs to start the rebuilding now.
This is not a reward for Burma’s military, but a recognition of the immense task faced by current and future generations of Burmese.
At around $4 per head per annum, international aid to Burma is less than a tenth of that received by Cambodia and a sixteenth of that received by Laos.
Australia will accordingly increase its assistance to Burma over the next three years to around $50 million annually, a 67 per cent increase.
Alleviating humanitarian needs will remain an important goal and focus of this expenditure.
But the Government has decided that Australia’s program will also include capacity building elements, addressing the long-term challenges facing the Burmese people.
This will involve carefully targeted interaction in areas of great need like health, education and agriculture.
Our assistance will continue to be delivered in partnership with international organisations, such as UN agencies, ASEAN, other donor nations and non-government organisations.
We will expand existing initiatives in basic health care, including child and maternal health. We will work to improve the delivery of basic health services by equipping health clinics, training nurses, health care staff and administrators and providing better community health education and information.
At the village level, we will assist primary health care workers, including midwives, with critical training and medical supplies to help arrest the decline in health outcomes for vulnerable and isolated people.
We will continue to support the delivery of vital treatment, prevention and screening services for HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria, including through the Three Diseases Fund supported by Australia, the European Commission, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden and the United Kingdom. The Fund aims to reduce these three diseases in Burma.
We will also address critical water, sanitation and hygiene needs through:
1. the construction and rehabilitation of ponds and wells;
2. building latrines for community schools and rural health centres; and
3. working to provide equitable access to clean water.
In 2008-09 Australia’s assistance contributed to the basic education of over 400,000 children in Burma. We will increase our support to enable more poor and disadvantaged children to go to primary school.
Australian assistance will improve teaching and mentoring skills, both in the classroom and at home. Working closely with United Nations agencies, Non Government Organisations (NGOs) and other donors, we will support training programs for early childhood development workers, primary teachers and township education officials.
We will also continue to support vulnerable communities in the Irrawaddy Delta to restore their crop and fishing businesses, and in other areas of protracted need such as northern Rakhine State where the situation of the Rohingyas is very dire.
Australia will provide $20 million over the next four years to assist poor communities in Burma to:
1. improve access to credit, seeds, and tools;
2. provide training in small enterprise;
3. help farmers diversify their production and gain access to markets.
I have also asked the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and AusAID to explore a scholarship scheme for Burma.
Australia will liaise with partners such as the European Union, Germany, Japan, New Zealand, the Republic of Korea, Singapore, the United Kingdom and the United States, all of whom have scholarship schemes for Burma, to learn from their experience.
It is proposed that a new scholarship scheme will target Burmese with the potential to build civil society and improve service delivery, including in health, education and agriculture.
As a start, 10 postgraduate scholarships and short term professional development placements will be made available, beginning in 2010-11.
We will work with the UN to carefully identify suitable candidates.
This assistance will be in addition to Australia’s significant contribution for relief and recovery efforts following Cyclone Nargis in May 2008.
Australia’s post-Nargis assistance continues to be delivered through effective and trusted aid partners such as the United Nations and Australian NGOs and includes:
1. agricultural inputs to help farmers restore their crops and livestock;
2. helping fishermen by providing nets and repairing boats;
3. repairing over 1,200 damaged schools and providing books and materials for over 360,000 children;
4. reducing disease risk by constructing 50,000 latrines and providing one million mosquito nets; and
5. supplies and shelter for vulnerable communities.
Burma is a difficult operating environment, but the collective experience in Burma over many years shows we can deliver assistance effectively to improve the lives of ordinary Burmese without benefiting the military authorities.
Sanctions
Mr Deputy Speaker.
Australia urges Burma’s military to respond positively to Aung San Suu Kyi’s recent offer to work towards the lifting of international sanctions.
Such a positive response would help make meaningful progress towards democratic reform, respect for human rights, and national dialogue and reconciliation.
Until we see significant change from Burma’s authorities, the Australian Government will maintain a policy of targeted financial sanctions.
We agree with US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s observation that to lift sanctions now would send the wrong signal.
However, an expansion of sanctions at this time would send a confusing signal.
In view of the nascent discussions between the authorities and Aung San Suu Kyi, I have decided that sanctions should not be expanded at this time.
As a result, the sanctions list I announced in October 2008 will remain in operation for the present.
Diplomacy
Mr Speaker.
I earlier referred to my discussions on Burma in New York in September 2009.
These discussions again revealed the region’s and the international community’s great frustration with the Burmese authorities’ treatment of the political opposition, their self-imposed isolation, and the circumstances of the Burmese people.
My discussions also revealed that the international community is increasingly prepared to draw on a wide range of diplomatic tools, including both sanctions and engagement, to press for change in Burma.
Neither Australia nor the international community should however have any illusions that progress in Burma will be quick or easy.
Australia will continue to work closely with ASEAN and its member countries, including by continuing to support ASEAN’s much-needed humanitarian efforts in Burma.
We will cooperate closely with the United States as it pursues greater engagement with Burma, and with other major donors like the United Kingdom, to ensure our combined assistance does the greatest amount of good for the Burmese people.
We will also continue to support the work of the United Nations and the Secretary General.
We endorse UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s call for the international community to support UN efforts to promote respect for human rights, inclusive political dialogue and development in Burma.
Australia strongly supported the role of Ibrahim Gambari as the UN Secretary-General’s Special Representative on Burma. His term concluded at the beginning of this year, and we look forward to working closely with his successor.
Conclusion
Mr Deputy Speaker.
Australia and the international community stand ready to assist Burma.
But it is not a one way street.
Australia urges the Burmese authorities to respond in good faith both to international engagement and to Aung San Suu Kyi’s recent approach to it on sanctions and on dialogue.
In moving towards dialogue and genuine national reconciliation, Burma’s authorities can end their isolation.
Australia has always considered the Burmese people our friends.
When Cyclone Nargis struck, Australia responded generously, despite our political differences with the Burmese authorities.
That was the right decision then, and it is the right decision now, together with the international community, to do more for the long-term future of Burma’s people.
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Asean MPs requests Thailand to halt plans to return Burma asylum seekers
February 11 2010
The ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus (AIPMC) is gravely concerned for the well being of unregistered Karen refugees currently residing in displacement sites in Tha Song Yang District, Tak. Announcements last month from the Thai government relating to the planned forced repatriation of the refugees beginning in February 2010 have caused renewed concern for their safety. AIPMC welcomes the Thai government’s decision to halt the repatriation of the estimated 3,000 refugees until their safety can be assured. AIPMC furthermore calls on the Thai government to make public and implement a clear policy regarding refugees fleeing from conflict zones across the border in Myanmar. Province
The flow of refugees from Myanmar’s Karen has been increasing since June 2009 when renewed fighting between the Karen National Union (KNU) and the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), supported by the SPDC, put villagers in danger, causing them to flee across the border. These refugees have temporarily been permitted to reside in Thailand under the care of the Thai Military. State
Despite the victory of the DKBA, the situation in Karen remains unstable and unsafe for villagers. The area from which the refugees fled is heavily landmined and numerous injuries and deaths among people returning to their villages have been reported by organizations working in the areas concerned and with the refugees. State
Though the precariousness of the situation in Karen State is well known, a group of 13 refugees from Nong Bua, mostly women and children, and a group of 26 families from Usu Tha were recently repatriated to Myanmar. These refugees were sent back without witnesses or evidence to certify that their return was voluntary. Additionally, reports have surfaced of the Thai military using threats and coercion to force refugees’ return to Myanmar.
This use of threats and coercion to pressure refugees into returning to an area that is clearly not safe is unacceptable. AIPMC urges the Thai government to fully investigate these charges and to closely monitor the situation of the refugees currently under the care of the Thai Military. Furthermore, AIPMC calls on the Thai government to cooperate with UNHCR and other appropriate agencies to allow for the registration and proper care of the refugees until it is safe for them to return home.
The flow of refugees fleeing the dangerous and repressive situation in Myanmar is not a new problem. Widespread human rights violations and armed offensives by Myanmar’s military government against its own citizens have caused massive refugees flows in the region for many years. The underlying source of the refugee problem is the continued violence and oppression perpetrated by Myanmar’s government. To permanently end the flow of refugees from Myanmar a concerted effort to end human rights abuses and begin a dialogue of national reconciliation is necessary.
AIPMC requests ASEAN to use its Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights to investigate all claims of human rights abuses in Myanmar. Furthermore, the Commission should seek to ensure that Myanmar is held accountable for its past abuses and prevented from committing further violence against its citizens. Additionally, AIPMC urges ASEAN to develop and implement a regional policy concerning the member states’ responsibilities regarding refugees.
Finally, AIPMC calls on the government of Myanmar to begin the process of national reconciliation through genuine dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi, the National League for Democracy and ethnic nationalities. As a first step in this process AIPMC urges the government of Myanmar to release Aung San Suu Kyi and all other political prisoners currently in detention.
STEPHEN SMITH
8 February 2010
Ministerial Statement on Burma
Mr Deputy Speaker.
I wish to update the House on developments in Burma.
On 4 January, Burma’s Independence Day, Burmese Senior General Than Shwe announced that plans were under way to conduct elections in Burma this year.
Elections have long been foreshadowed under the Burmese military’s so-called ‘Roadmap to Democracy’.
If elections do take place, they will be the first in Burma in 20 years.
This year will, therefore, be an important one for Burma, and an important one for the international community’s engagement with Burma.
Australia has long been appalled both by the Burmese military’s suppression of the democratic aspirations of the Burmese people and by its disrespect for their human rights.
It is worthwhile recalling some important events in this longstanding suppression.
A military regime, in some form, has ruled Burma since 1962, nearly 50 years.
We recall the bloody put down of pro-democracy protests in 1988, just over 20 years ago.
Since 1988 Australia has had in place visa restrictions against senior members of the Burmese regime and their associates and supporters.
Following the failure to implement the outcome of the 1990 elections, in 1991 Australia introduced a ban on defence exports to Burma.
This is a ban on the export to Burma of controlled goods as listed on the Defence and Strategic Goods List.
In October 2007, financial sanctions were introduced in response to the violent crackdown on democracy protesters.
These various sanctions – travel sanctions, defence sanctions and financial sanctions – have the common purpose of exerting pressure on Burma’s military regime.
At the same time, Australia has recognised that engaging the Burmese authorities serves important national, regional and international interests.
We live in the same region. Through regional forums like the ASEAN Post-Ministerial Conference, the ASEAN Regional Forum and the Bali Process on People Smuggling, Human Trafficking and Transnational Crime, Australia has had the opportunity to engage Burma on challenges like counter-narcotics, trafficking in people, disaster relief and pandemic disease.
As well, Australia has for many years sought to help the Burmese people through a program of humanitarian assistance targeting the most vulnerable.
This program, now worth nearly $30 million in 2009-10, assists with fighting infectious diseases such as avian influenza, HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis; provides food aid and agricultural expertise to alleviate rural poverty; protects displaced people; and supports children to attend and remain in primary school.
ASEAN, through its humanitarian work in Burma after Cyclone Nargis, has been vital in facilitating assistance from Australia and members of the international community to the Burmese people.
Common membership of regional organisations also allows us at Ministerial level to directly advocate democratic reform and national reconciliation – as I did when I met my counterpart Burmese Foreign Minister Nyan Win during the ASEAN-related meetings in Thailand in July 2009.
Mr Deputy Speaker.
On 12 August 2009 I addressed the House on Burma after Aung San Suu Kyi’s conviction on spurious charges, leading to her ongoing house arrest.
I set out then that Aung San Suu Kyi’s sentence effectively removed the prospect of her participation in any proposed 2010 elections and would detract from the credibility of those elections.
Since that time, there have been a number of important developments both within Burma and in the international community’s approach to Burma.
On 17 September 2009 the Burmese authorities released 128 political prisoners in an amnesty. This was a welcome, tentative step in the right direction.
Repression however continues.
On 31 December, 15 activists were sentenced to up to 71 years imprisonment each. There regrettably remain close to 2000 political prisoners in Burma, including Aung San Suu Kyi.
Australia again calls on Burma’s authorities to release them and allow them to participate fully and freely in the upcoming elections.
In September 2009, in the margins of the United Nations General Assembly, I joined ten other Foreign Ministers and United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon in a Ministerial-level meeting of the Secretary-General’s Group of Friends of Myanmar.
The participation in this meeting was evidence both of the international community’s desire to see progress in Burma and of its willingness to both work together and with the Secretary General towards this end.
At the meeting, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon identified three areas for future unity of purpose and action:
First, to urge Burma to work with the United Nations to ensure an inclusive process of dialogue and create the conditions for credible elections.
Second, to uphold the role of the United Nations in Burma.
And third, to signal the international community’s willingness to help the people of Burma, but noting that Burma’s military regime needed to respond to international concerns in order for this to occur.
My visit to New York for the General Assembly coincided with the announcement of the United States policy review on Burma.
The United States Administration concluded that a sanctions-only policy to isolate Burma’s military has not worked and that future US policy would combine engagement, appropriate sanctions and humanitarian assistance.
US Secretary of State Clinton said that any debate that pits sanctions against engagement created a false choice, and that the international community would need to employ both of these tools.
Australia has welcomed this approach, as has the international community generally.
As to developments within Burma, on 25 September 2009 Aung San Suu Kyi wrote to Senior General Than Shwe offering to work with the Burmese authorities on the withdrawal of international sanctions, and asking to meet representatives of the European Union, the United States and Australia.
The fact that Australia was one of these three was significant and reflects the longstanding interest Australians have in Burma.
The authorities agreed to this request.
On 9 October 2009 Australia’s Chargé d’Affaires, together with the UK Ambassador and the US Chargé d’Affaires, met Aung San Suu Kyi in Rangoon.
The meeting was the first opportunity for a substantive discussion between an Australian representative and Aung San Suu Kyi since February 2003.
Australia’s Chargé conveyed a message from the Prime Minister which expressed the support of the Australian Government and the people of Australia for Aung San Suu Kyi and her struggle for democracy in Burma.
This was warmly welcomed by Aung San Suu Kyi.
Australia welcomed the subsequent visit to Burma in early November by United States Assistant Secretary of State Kurt Campbell and the meetings he held with the Burmese authorities, with Aung San Suu Kyi and with representatives of a number of ethnic minorities.
Aung San Suu Kyi wrote further to Senior General Than Shwe on 11 November 2009 requesting contact with her party’s Central Executive Committee.
In response to her request, she was permitted to meet three of the Central Executive Committee’s elders, including Chairman U Aung Shwe, on 16 December 2009.
Australia hopes that a meeting with the full Executive will take place soon.
This is the first substantial contact which Aung San Suu Kyi has had with the leadership of the National League for Democracy since 2007, and is warmly welcomed by the Australian Government as essential to democratic and political progress in Burma.
Australia hopes these initial engagements between Aung San Suu Kyi, the Burmese authorities and the international community are the beginning of a process of genuine dialogue.
Elections
Mr Deputy Speaker.
The Burmese authorities have embarked on the so-called “Roadmap to Democracy”, a strictly controlled process of potential political change.
It was a matter of great regret that they pushed ahead with a constitutional referendum, the fourth step in their Roadmap, in the midst of the disaster of Cyclone Nargis in May 2008.
That referendum was a regrettable sham.
Not surprisingly, political parties in Burma, including the National League for Democracy, and parties representing ethnic groups, are carefully considering whether to participate in the 2010 elections.
Burma’s authorities have an opportunity to engage the people, to ensure the full and free participation in the elections of the Burmese opposition, nascent political parties, and ethnic groups.
For Burma’s longer-term stability and security, the coming political process needs to address the concerns of the country’s diverse ethnic minority groups.
While, of course, given the history of these matters, there are long standing reservations, Australia will not pre-judge the process and the outcome of these elections.
Australia urges Burma’s authorities to seize this opportunity to genuinely move their country forward.
Development Assistance
Mr Deputy Speaker.
Australia has long provided humanitarian assistance to Burma.
In the 2009-10 Budget, the Government allocated nearly $30 million in humanitarian assistance, a significant increase in base funding over the previous year.
This will help address the pressing needs of the Burmese people.
Half of Burma’s almost 50 million people live in extreme poverty.
Child mortality rates are among the highest in the world.
Decades of military rule have eroded civil society and civilian institutions.
Skills have been lost and infrastructure has deteriorated.
At some stage into the future, Burma will have a civilian Government, which will face great challenges.
At some stage into the future, the regional and international community will be asked to help in the rebuilding of Burma’s economic and social structures.
Australia’s view therefore is that the international community help prepare Burma for the future.
Burma’s capacity cannot be allowed to completely atrophy to the ultimate disadvantage and cost of its people.
The international community needs to start the rebuilding now.
This is not a reward for Burma’s military, but a recognition of the immense task faced by current and future generations of Burmese.
At around $4 per head per annum, international aid to Burma is less than a tenth of that received by Cambodia and a sixteenth of that received by Laos.
Australia will accordingly increase its assistance to Burma over the next three years to around $50 million annually, a 67 per cent increase.
Alleviating humanitarian needs will remain an important goal and focus of this expenditure.
But the Government has decided that Australia’s program will also include capacity building elements, addressing the long-term challenges facing the Burmese people.
This will involve carefully targeted interaction in areas of great need like health, education and agriculture.
Our assistance will continue to be delivered in partnership with international organisations, such as UN agencies, ASEAN, other donor nations and non-government organisations.
We will expand existing initiatives in basic health care, including child and maternal health. We will work to improve the delivery of basic health services by equipping health clinics, training nurses, health care staff and administrators and providing better community health education and information.
At the village level, we will assist primary health care workers, including midwives, with critical training and medical supplies to help arrest the decline in health outcomes for vulnerable and isolated people.
We will continue to support the delivery of vital treatment, prevention and screening services for HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria, including through the Three Diseases Fund supported by Australia, the European Commission, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden and the United Kingdom. The Fund aims to reduce these three diseases in Burma.
We will also address critical water, sanitation and hygiene needs through:
1. the construction and rehabilitation of ponds and wells;
2. building latrines for community schools and rural health centres; and
3. working to provide equitable access to clean water.
In 2008-09 Australia’s assistance contributed to the basic education of over 400,000 children in Burma. We will increase our support to enable more poor and disadvantaged children to go to primary school.
Australian assistance will improve teaching and mentoring skills, both in the classroom and at home. Working closely with United Nations agencies, Non Government Organisations (NGOs) and other donors, we will support training programs for early childhood development workers, primary teachers and township education officials.
We will also continue to support vulnerable communities in the Irrawaddy Delta to restore their crop and fishing businesses, and in other areas of protracted need such as northern Rakhine State where the situation of the Rohingyas is very dire.
Australia will provide $20 million over the next four years to assist poor communities in Burma to:
1. improve access to credit, seeds, and tools;
2. provide training in small enterprise;
3. help farmers diversify their production and gain access to markets.
I have also asked the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and AusAID to explore a scholarship scheme for Burma.
Australia will liaise with partners such as the European Union, Germany, Japan, New Zealand, the Republic of Korea, Singapore, the United Kingdom and the United States, all of whom have scholarship schemes for Burma, to learn from their experience.
It is proposed that a new scholarship scheme will target Burmese with the potential to build civil society and improve service delivery, including in health, education and agriculture.
As a start, 10 postgraduate scholarships and short term professional development placements will be made available, beginning in 2010-11.
We will work with the UN to carefully identify suitable candidates.
This assistance will be in addition to Australia’s significant contribution for relief and recovery efforts following Cyclone Nargis in May 2008.
Australia’s post-Nargis assistance continues to be delivered through effective and trusted aid partners such as the United Nations and Australian NGOs and includes:
1. agricultural inputs to help farmers restore their crops and livestock;
2. helping fishermen by providing nets and repairing boats;
3. repairing over 1,200 damaged schools and providing books and materials for over 360,000 children;
4. reducing disease risk by constructing 50,000 latrines and providing one million mosquito nets; and
5. supplies and shelter for vulnerable communities.
Burma is a difficult operating environment, but the collective experience in Burma over many years shows we can deliver assistance effectively to improve the lives of ordinary Burmese without benefiting the military authorities.
Sanctions
Mr Deputy Speaker.
Australia urges Burma’s military to respond positively to Aung San Suu Kyi’s recent offer to work towards the lifting of international sanctions.
Such a positive response would help make meaningful progress towards democratic reform, respect for human rights, and national dialogue and reconciliation.
Until we see significant change from Burma’s authorities, the Australian Government will maintain a policy of targeted financial sanctions.
We agree with US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s observation that to lift sanctions now would send the wrong signal.
However, an expansion of sanctions at this time would send a confusing signal.
In view of the nascent discussions between the authorities and Aung San Suu Kyi, I have decided that sanctions should not be expanded at this time.
As a result, the sanctions list I announced in October 2008 will remain in operation for the present.
Diplomacy
Mr Speaker.
I earlier referred to my discussions on Burma in New York in September 2009.
These discussions again revealed the region’s and the international community’s great frustration with the Burmese authorities’ treatment of the political opposition, their self-imposed isolation, and the circumstances of the Burmese people.
My discussions also revealed that the international community is increasingly prepared to draw on a wide range of diplomatic tools, including both sanctions and engagement, to press for change in Burma.
Neither Australia nor the international community should however have any illusions that progress in Burma will be quick or easy.
Australia will continue to work closely with ASEAN and its member countries, including by continuing to support ASEAN’s much-needed humanitarian efforts in Burma.
We will cooperate closely with the United States as it pursues greater engagement with Burma, and with other major donors like the United Kingdom, to ensure our combined assistance does the greatest amount of good for the Burmese people.
We will also continue to support the work of the United Nations and the Secretary General.
We endorse UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s call for the international community to support UN efforts to promote respect for human rights, inclusive political dialogue and development in Burma.
Australia strongly supported the role of Ibrahim Gambari as the UN Secretary-General’s Special Representative on Burma. His term concluded at the beginning of this year, and we look forward to working closely with his successor.
Conclusion
Mr Deputy Speaker.
Australia and the international community stand ready to assist Burma.
But it is not a one way street.
Australia urges the Burmese authorities to respond in good faith both to international engagement and to Aung San Suu Kyi’s recent approach to it on sanctions and on dialogue.
In moving towards dialogue and genuine national reconciliation, Burma’s authorities can end their isolation.
Australia has always considered the Burmese people our friends.
When Cyclone Nargis struck, Australia responded generously, despite our political differences with the Burmese authorities.
That was the right decision then, and it is the right decision now, together with the international community, to do more for the long-term future of Burma’s people.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Asean MPs requests Thailand to halt plans to return Burma asylum seekers
February 11 2010
The ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus (AIPMC) is gravely concerned for the well being of unregistered Karen refugees currently residing in displacement sites in Tha Song Yang District, Tak. Announcements last month from the Thai government relating to the planned forced repatriation of the refugees beginning in February 2010 have caused renewed concern for their safety. AIPMC welcomes the Thai government’s decision to halt the repatriation of the estimated 3,000 refugees until their safety can be assured. AIPMC furthermore calls on the Thai government to make public and implement a clear policy regarding refugees fleeing from conflict zones across the border in Myanmar. Province
The flow of refugees from Myanmar’s Karen has been increasing since June 2009 when renewed fighting between the Karen National Union (KNU) and the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), supported by the SPDC, put villagers in danger, causing them to flee across the border. These refugees have temporarily been permitted to reside in Thailand under the care of the Thai Military. State
Despite the victory of the DKBA, the situation in Karen remains unstable and unsafe for villagers. The area from which the refugees fled is heavily landmined and numerous injuries and deaths among people returning to their villages have been reported by organizations working in the areas concerned and with the refugees. State
Though the precariousness of the situation in Karen State is well known, a group of 13 refugees from Nong Bua, mostly women and children, and a group of 26 families from Usu Tha were recently repatriated to Myanmar. These refugees were sent back without witnesses or evidence to certify that their return was voluntary. Additionally, reports have surfaced of the Thai military using threats and coercion to force refugees’ return to Myanmar.
This use of threats and coercion to pressure refugees into returning to an area that is clearly not safe is unacceptable. AIPMC urges the Thai government to fully investigate these charges and to closely monitor the situation of the refugees currently under the care of the Thai Military. Furthermore, AIPMC calls on the Thai government to cooperate with UNHCR and other appropriate agencies to allow for the registration and proper care of the refugees until it is safe for them to return home.
The flow of refugees fleeing the dangerous and repressive situation in Myanmar is not a new problem. Widespread human rights violations and armed offensives by Myanmar’s military government against its own citizens have caused massive refugees flows in the region for many years. The underlying source of the refugee problem is the continued violence and oppression perpetrated by Myanmar’s government. To permanently end the flow of refugees from Myanmar a concerted effort to end human rights abuses and begin a dialogue of national reconciliation is necessary.
AIPMC requests ASEAN to use its Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights to investigate all claims of human rights abuses in Myanmar. Furthermore, the Commission should seek to ensure that Myanmar is held accountable for its past abuses and prevented from committing further violence against its citizens. Additionally, AIPMC urges ASEAN to develop and implement a regional policy concerning the member states’ responsibilities regarding refugees.
Finally, AIPMC calls on the government of Myanmar to begin the process of national reconciliation through genuine dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi, the National League for Democracy and ethnic nationalities. As a first step in this process AIPMC urges the government of Myanmar to release Aung San Suu Kyi and all other political prisoners currently in detention.
Sunday 14 February 2010
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC)
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC)
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) is the global campaigning and lobbying organisation to restore democracy, human rights and rule of law in Burma where everyone can enjoy the freedom of speech, press, beliefs, assembly and rule of law that emphasizes the protection of individual rights. Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) has the firm determination, dedication and devotion to keep on working until the democracy restore in Burma.
Learning from the 1988 popular uprising, 1996 student demonstrations, 1998 student demonstrations, and 2007 saffron revolutions; the need of political environment inside Burma is extremely essential to pressure the regime persistently to do reform and also to educate the people about their rights and mobilize them.
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) believes that the solution for the crisis of Burma is restoring democracy, human rights and rule of law. Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) is equipped with participants who had political background and in depth knowledge of Burma issues. They had experiences in the past and engaging in current activities. The work is largely inspired by their experiences and the appalling conditions they encountered inside Burma. Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) members are democracy activists, human rights activists and student activists consistently attempting to defend the human rights abuses in Burma.
The main objectives:
· to support efforts to create a political environment in Burma
· to increase awareness about political development in Burma
· to strengthen support for Burma democracy movement in international governments
Our Patrons
Venerable U Uttara, Dr. Salai Tun Than, Dr. Win Naing, U Tint Swe Thiha, Dr. Khin Wynn Nwe, U Tun Aung Kyaw, U Moe Thee Zun, Dr. Khin Sein, Daw Khin Aye Aye Mar, U Zar Ni(88 Generation Student-Exile), Du Wa M Zaw Aung, U Zaw Win Thint, U Soe Moe
Honorary Patron
Myo Yan Naung Thein
http://bdcburma.org/AboutUs.asp
Burma: Bogyoke Aung San’s Spirit is in our Hearts, Mind and Souls
February 13, 1915, is the birthday of our nation’s independence hero, father of Aung San Suu Kyi, Bogyoke Aung San’s birthday. He was assassinated by pro-colonialists only one year before we gained independence from British.
Bogyoke Aung San’s spirit is in our blood and we will never bow down to neither imperialist nor fascists nor military dictatorship for shaping our country future. Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) is very glad to learn that new generation of our (Burmese) brothers and sisters are keeping alight the torch of Bogyoke Aung San’s spirit.
“So then we must labour together in the common cause which concerns all and affects everybody. This is the best way in which we can show our highest sense of homage to our heroes; this is the only way in which we can accomplish the mission before us and find our salvation. We must strive and work all of us, until we become heroes all, so that we can ultimately dispense with any leader or leadership. For only then we can have freedom in a real and absolute sense. But I have gone far ahead. We have yet to win our national freedom before we can hope to help ourselves progressively to that absolute conception of freedom,” said Bogyoke Aung San.
http://bdcburma.org/Statements.asp?Id=75
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) is the global campaigning and lobbying organisation to restore democracy, human rights and rule of law in Burma where everyone can enjoy the freedom of speech, press, beliefs, assembly and rule of law that emphasizes the protection of individual rights. Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) has the firm determination, dedication and devotion to keep on working until the democracy restore in Burma.
Learning from the 1988 popular uprising, 1996 student demonstrations, 1998 student demonstrations, and 2007 saffron revolutions; the need of political environment inside Burma is extremely essential to pressure the regime persistently to do reform and also to educate the people about their rights and mobilize them.
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) believes that the solution for the crisis of Burma is restoring democracy, human rights and rule of law. Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) is equipped with participants who had political background and in depth knowledge of Burma issues. They had experiences in the past and engaging in current activities. The work is largely inspired by their experiences and the appalling conditions they encountered inside Burma. Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) members are democracy activists, human rights activists and student activists consistently attempting to defend the human rights abuses in Burma.
The main objectives:
· to support efforts to create a political environment in Burma
· to increase awareness about political development in Burma
· to strengthen support for Burma democracy movement in international governments
Our Patrons
Venerable U Uttara, Dr. Salai Tun Than, Dr. Win Naing, U Tint Swe Thiha, Dr. Khin Wynn Nwe, U Tun Aung Kyaw, U Moe Thee Zun, Dr. Khin Sein, Daw Khin Aye Aye Mar, U Zar Ni(88 Generation Student-Exile), Du Wa M Zaw Aung, U Zaw Win Thint, U Soe Moe
Honorary Patron
Myo Yan Naung Thein
http://bdcburma.org/AboutUs.asp
Burma: Bogyoke Aung San’s Spirit is in our Hearts, Mind and Souls
February 13, 1915, is the birthday of our nation’s independence hero, father of Aung San Suu Kyi, Bogyoke Aung San’s birthday. He was assassinated by pro-colonialists only one year before we gained independence from British.
Bogyoke Aung San’s spirit is in our blood and we will never bow down to neither imperialist nor fascists nor military dictatorship for shaping our country future. Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) is very glad to learn that new generation of our (Burmese) brothers and sisters are keeping alight the torch of Bogyoke Aung San’s spirit.
“So then we must labour together in the common cause which concerns all and affects everybody. This is the best way in which we can show our highest sense of homage to our heroes; this is the only way in which we can accomplish the mission before us and find our salvation. We must strive and work all of us, until we become heroes all, so that we can ultimately dispense with any leader or leadership. For only then we can have freedom in a real and absolute sense. But I have gone far ahead. We have yet to win our national freedom before we can hope to help ourselves progressively to that absolute conception of freedom,” said Bogyoke Aung San.
http://bdcburma.org/Statements.asp?Id=75
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC)
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) is the global campaigning and lobbying organisation to restore democracy, human rights and rule of law in Burma where everyone can enjoy the freedom of speech, press, beliefs, assembly and rule of law that emphasizes the protection of individual rights. Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) has the firm determination, dedication and devotion to keep on working until the democracy restore in Burma. Learning from the 1988 popular uprising, 1996 student demonstrations, 1998 student demonstrations, and 2007 saffron revolutions; the need of political environment inside Burma is extremely essential to pressure the regime persistently to do reform and also to educate the people about their rights and mobilize them. Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) believes that the solution for the crisis of Burma is restoring democracy, human rights and rule of law. Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) is equipped with participants who had political background and in depth knowledge of Burma issues. They had experiences in the past and engaging in current activities. The work is largely inspired by their experiences and the appalling conditions they encountered inside Burma. Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) members are democracy activists, human rights activists and student activists consistently attempting to defend the human rights abuses in Burma. · to support efforts to create a political environment in Burma · to increase awareness about political development in Burma · to strengthen support for Burma democracy movement in international governments Our Patrons Venerable U Uttara, Dr. Salai Tun Than, Dr. Win Naing, U Tint Swe Thiha, Dr. Khin Wynn Nwe, U Tun Aung Kyaw, U Moe Thee Zun, Dr. Khin Sein, Daw Khin Aye Aye Mar, U Zar Ni(88 Generation Student-Exile), Du Wa M Zaw Aung, U Zaw Win Thint, U Soe Moe Myo Yan Naung Thein http://bdcburma.org/AboutUs.asp
The main objectives:
Honorary Patron
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Burma: Bogyoke Aung San’s Spirit is in our Hearts, Mind and Souls
February 13, 1915, is the birthday of our nation’s independence hero, father of Aung San Suu Kyi, Bogyoke Aung San's birthday. He was assassinated by pro-colonialists only one year before we gained independence from British.
Bogyoke Aung San's spirit is in our blood and we will never bow down to neither imperialist nor fascists nor military dictatorship for shaping our country future. Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) is very glad to learn that new generation of our (Burmese) brothers and sisters are keeping alight the torch of Bogyoke Aung San's spirit.
“So then we must labour together in the common cause which concerns all and affects everybody. This is the best way in which we can show our highest sense of homage to our heroes; this is the only way in which we can accomplish the mission before us and find our salvation. We must strive and work all of us, until we become heroes all, so that we can ultimately dispense with any leader or leadership. For only then we can have freedom in a real and absolute sense. But I have gone far ahead. We have yet to win our national freedom before we can hope to help ourselves progressively to that absolute conception of freedom,” said Bogyoke Aung San.
http://bdcburma.org/Statements.asp?Id=75
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Saturday 13 February 2010
Burma: U Tin Oo, Leader of 1990 Election Wining Party Released
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) welcome the release of our Hero, U Tin Oo, Leader of 1990 Election Wining Party (NLD)
13 February 2010
Today NLD's leader, Aung San Suu Kyi's very close comrade, U Tin Oo is now released. He is the man of action and Burmese people believe in his leadership. U Tin Oo earned deep respects and high regards in the Burma's military. This is the reason why junta put him under house arrest or in prison most of the time. He is the ex-commander in chief of the military and he earned "Thura Title" for his bravery in the battle which would equivalent to Victoria Cross.
U Tin Oo is the legitimate elected leader of Burma according to the 1990 election held by the very junta who is ruling Burma today. He shouldn’t be in the prison or under house arrest at the first place.
If the military regime truly wanted to see national reconciliation, they must release all the political prisoners unconditionally and immediately as well as they must grantee that they won’t find any excuses to do illegitimate arrest again. This would be very very basic minimum benchmark junta must do.
U Tin Oo’s party, National League for Democracy, the victor of 1990 election clearly stated their position in “Shwe-Gone-Daing” declaration that need to place in order to have true national reconciliation in Burma, i.e. to
1. Release all the political prisoners
2. Review 2008 Constitution
3. Allow to reopen NLD and ethnic nationalities offices
4. Recognise 1990 election result
5. Take place political dialogue
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) welcomes the release of our leader, U Tin Oo but unless junta fulfils above five main principles demanded by legitimate leaders of Burma, we cannot say that Burma is on the road to positive change.
We truly believe that with the added leadership of U Tin Oo, NLD will effectively drive Burma future to the better place.
For more information please contact Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) at
Myo Thein
00-44-208 493 9137
00-44-787 788 2386
myothein@bdcburma.org
myothein19@gmail.com
http://bdcburma.org/AsskNldDetails.asp?Id=2
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Thursday 11 February 2010
UN Human Rights Official to Visit Burma Next Week
A senior U.N. official will visit Burma next week for talks with its military leaders on their plans to hold a national election later this year.
The United Nations says its top envoy on human rights in Burma, Tomas Ojea Quintana, will arrive in the country Monday on a five-day visit.
In a statement released Thursday, Quintana says he hopes to meet leaders of Burma's political parties to discuss the planned election, which will be the country's first in 20 years. He says the election will make 2010 a "critical" year for the Burmese people.
Among those party leaders he hopes to meet is Burma's detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who in under house arrest in Rangoon. She has been under some sort of detention for 14 of the last 20 years.
Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy swept Burma's last parliamentary elections in 1990, but the country's military rulers never recognized the results.
Burma's military has called the election as part of its roadmap for returning the country to democracy. But, pro-democracy groups and Western governments fear the election will lack credibility due to the military's detention of Aung San Suu Kyi and 2,000 other dissidents.
In another development, Burma's military drew criticism from the United States Wednesday for sentencing a Burmese-American human rights activist to three years in prison with hard labor.
A Burmese court convicted Kyaw Zaw Lwin of possessing a fake national identity card and undeclared foreign currency and violating immigration laws. He helped to organize a 1988 pro-democracy uprising in Burma, before fleeing a military crackdown on the opposition.
The U.S. State Department called the sentencing of Kyaw Zaw Lwin politically-motivated and unjustified and urged Burma to release him and allow him to return to the United States.
Burmese authorities arrested him last September after he arrived in Rangoon to visit his ailing mother. He was put on trial the following month.
The United Nations says its top envoy on human rights in Burma, Tomas Ojea Quintana, will arrive in the country Monday on a five-day visit.
In a statement released Thursday, Quintana says he hopes to meet leaders of Burma's political parties to discuss the planned election, which will be the country's first in 20 years. He says the election will make 2010 a "critical" year for the Burmese people.
Among those party leaders he hopes to meet is Burma's detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who in under house arrest in Rangoon. She has been under some sort of detention for 14 of the last 20 years.
Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy swept Burma's last parliamentary elections in 1990, but the country's military rulers never recognized the results.
Burma's military has called the election as part of its roadmap for returning the country to democracy. But, pro-democracy groups and Western governments fear the election will lack credibility due to the military's detention of Aung San Suu Kyi and 2,000 other dissidents.
In another development, Burma's military drew criticism from the United States Wednesday for sentencing a Burmese-American human rights activist to three years in prison with hard labor.
A Burmese court convicted Kyaw Zaw Lwin of possessing a fake national identity card and undeclared foreign currency and violating immigration laws. He helped to organize a 1988 pro-democracy uprising in Burma, before fleeing a military crackdown on the opposition.
The U.S. State Department called the sentencing of Kyaw Zaw Lwin politically-motivated and unjustified and urged Burma to release him and allow him to return to the United States.
Burmese authorities arrested him last September after he arrived in Rangoon to visit his ailing mother. He was put on trial the following month.
Sunday 7 February 2010
Мьянма выборы не будут свободными и справедливыми
Специальный вклад
По Доктор Дрю Томпсон из Центра Никсона
Буддийские монахи протестуют в Yanggon, Мьянмы
Прогулка по улицам Янгона в январе этого года, я увидела тщетность санкций со стороны США на каждом углу. Торговый процветает Steamy улицах и рынках, и рекламные щиты Японии, Южной Кореи и европейских брендов во всем мире. Между тем, лидеры хунты, против которого направлены санкции, которые препятствуют путешествия их семей имеют довольствовались выхода на пенсию в великолепных домах, а их внуки, отказали в визе для посещения Соединенных Штатов, просто пойти в колледж в Европе и Австралии. Санкции лишь к изоляции Соединенных Штатов. Это особенно сожаление в то время, когда Соединенные Штаты должны тщательно наблюдать, и даже влиять, что может быть наиболее важный политический год в новейшей истории Мьянмы.
Дата не установлена, но крошечная кучка генералов, которые имеют монополию на политическую власть заявила выборы пройдут в 2010 году, и никто не сомневается в их произойдет еще до конца года. Большинство являются замешательстве бирманских граждан, и никто не может обвинить их в предположении, что военная хунта, что управляет страной с изолированной столице Найпьидо имеет фальсификации процесса.
Но правда заключается в том, что выборы принесут изменения: может быть, не внезапное прекращение военной хунтой, но важных изменений, и тем не менее, недооценивается. И Соединенные Штаты должны в полной мере.
Выборах в этом году будет острого соперничества оппозиционных политиков стремится получить место в парламенте. Хотя далеко не свободных и справедливых выборов, они могут представлять собой начало долгого и, возможно, извилистой дороге к сравнительно более демократической системе. Новое правительство, несомненно, возникают в Мьянме после того, голосование закончится, которая будет включать непосредственное избрали политики, представляющие
широкий спектр самых различных слоев общества, чем когда-либо прежде. Вместо увольнения этих выборах из-под контроля и называя их обманом, Соединенные Штаты должны тщательно рассмотреть свои варианты и оценить эту потенциально историческую возможность сформировать будущее Мьянмы.
Причина выборов ожидается в ближайшее время является плохое состояние здоровья в общем ненавидел известной как "Номер один", Тан Шве. Лидер переворота 1988 года, Тан Шве стал председателем Государственного восстановлению закона и порядка совета (ГСВП) в 1992 году (в 1997 году ГСВП изменил свое название на государство совета мира и развития) и поддерживается фирмой
контроль над властью и по сей день. Он и его семья нажили состояние, и почти 77 лет своего здоровья не удается, и он готов уйти в отставку. Как и многие диктаторы до него, однако, он понимает, что на пенсию в безопасности может быть более сложным, чем сохранение железный контроль над властью. Как гласит поговорка, "Riding Tiger легко; высадке более сложной".
Для того чтобы он и его семья не предстал перед судом или расстрел раз он откажется от власти, Тан Шве выстроил разработке плана выхода на пенсию, который заменяет его хунты с новым правительством, состоящая из военных и гражданских лиц, которые не будут мощные достаточно, чтобы покарать от него, его семья или его близких друзей. Единственным результатом, который сохраняет свое богатство и свобода является относительно слабой, включительно
военно-гражданского правительства, самостоятельного баланса и проверяет силу какой-либо одной фракции или филиала. Установление прочного гражданского и военного управления требует выборах, которые предоставляют достаточной легитимностью для его поддержки и укрепления авторитета гражданских лиц Vis-à-VIS более мощные вооруженные силы. Извлекая уроки из опыта многие другие военные диктаторы, Тан Шве страхов авторитарных преемник может согнуть на популистские настроения и уничтожить его.
Этот план был ускоренный после выборов 1990 года, в которых лауреат Нобелевской премии Аун Сан Су Чжи и ее Национальной лиги за демократию (НЛД) одержала убедительную победу, побуждая армии игнорировать результаты выборов и выбросить ее в тюрьму. Тан Шве с тех пор когтями, возвращаясь к началу, устранение соперников и преемников, так все время в заговоре с целью принять "дорожную карту" для демократии, которые были в значительной степени освобождается от всех, кроме его ближайших последователей.
В центре Тан Шве плане является Конституция 2008. На первый взгляд, конституции Мьянмы в значительной степени базируется на Конституции США, с тремя ветвями власти формирование системы сдержек и противовесов. Но недостатки Конституции, как и на парламентских выборах и выборе следующего главы государства будет.
Военные гарантировано 25 процентов мест в парламенте, и президент будет выбран из трех кандидатов, взял со стороны правительства, с двумя другими кандидатами становятся вице-президентами.
Хотя это может показаться мрачными, оптимиста, поймут, что 75 процентов мест в парламенте будет выбран путем всенародного голосования, и вполне вероятно, что многие из этих мест будет выиграна кандидатов от оппозиции. Правительство уже работает над набору кандидатов, которые также рассматриваются в их общинах, а не антагонистические военных - таких, как учителя и успешные фермеры - обеспечение того, чтобы парламент входят независимые депутаты, которые являются уважаемыми населением.
С военной гарантировано 25 процентов мест, а остальное распределяется между проправительственной, независимых и оппозиционных парламентариев, маловероятно, что большинство будет прямой контроль законодательной власти, потребовало необходимость компромисса и формирования коалиции.
Тем не менее, есть две вещи, которые стоят на пути этого грандиозного плана - следующее поколение военных лидеров и "леди". Существует никакой гарантии, что следующее поколение сотрудников будет готова разделить власть с гражданскими лицами, особенно те избрали. Они не могут уважать ограничения на власть, как они были изложены на папиросная бумага.
Аун Сан Су Чжи представляет другую потенциальную проблему для генералов. Она должна быть освобожден из-под стражи и позволили свободно вести избирательную кампанию за ее НЛД кандидатов, они бы легко выиграть большинство мест, как это было в ходе выборов 1990 года, когда они завоевали 392 из 485 мест, даже с Аун Сан Су Чжи под домашним арестом . Подавляющее победы НЛД в 2010 году будет почти наверняка неприемлемо предыдущему генералы, которые не хотят, чтобы найти себя на милость давно преследовал и сослан НЛД. Другие переворот, скорее всего, результат, прекращение всякой надежды на представительскую правительства в Мьянме нового на десятилетия вперед.
Чтобы предотвратить это, генералы, скорее всего, направлены на предотвращение Аун Сан Су Чжи из кампаний, держа ее под домашним арестом, пока не будут заключены на выборах. Хотя закон о выборах и избирательном точные даты еще не было объявлено Тем не менее, некоторые аналитики догадываясь, что закон о выборах будет опубликован в начале весны и в возможности проведения выборов, проведенных по numerologically Благоприятная 10 октября (10-10-10). Вместе с тем, Аун Сан Су Чжи заявила, что она является прагматизм, выразив в правительство, что она готова пойти на компромисс и обсуждать что-либо, хотя до сих пор
она не совершила ни НЛД участвовать или бойкотировать процесс. Существует Pervasive воздухе неопределенности. Но если размещение будет достигнуто между генералами и Аун Сан Су Чжи и выборы, она потенциально представляет собой первый шаг в развитии Мьянмы от военной диктатуры к форме представительского правительства знакомый многим из азиатских соседей Мьянмы.
Рассмотрим одну из исторических прецедентов. Республика Корея и президентские выборы в Национальное собрание в 1970-х и особенно в 1987 и 1988 годах, хотя вряд ли считать свободными и справедливыми, дал оппозиционных партий и кандидатов, в том числе нобелевский лауреат и будущий президент Ким Дэ Чжун (который баллотировался на пост президента в три раза до избрания в 1997 году), законным платформой для развития их голосам, привлекать сторонников, изучать политический процесс, и выступают против правящей партии.
Немного мог предсказать его во время первых выборов, Южной Корее, а сегодня в стране укоренились и зрелого демократического процесса при консервативных и либеральных партий обмена власть мирным путем.
Несмотря на Stacked палубу, некоторые политические кандидаты в Мьянме оптимистично по поводу перспектив проведения выборов в этом году. Один из лидеров оппозиции, который провел годы в тюрьме сказал, что правительство призвали его к выдвижению кандидатов для участия в выборах. Признав, что они были лишь небольшой шаг, он сказал: "Что мне нравится в Конституции, что мы можем получить, избранных в парламент, я могу свободно говорить в парламенте, а не на сторону дороги, по трибуна. Почему бы не мы, как люди воспользоваться этой возможностью, чтобы помочь [Тан Шве] сделать изящный выход и усиления демократии в этом процессе? "
В дополнение к энтузиазмом политических кандидатов, гражданское общество растет и дает разреженной базы в поддержку демократии. Несколько организаций перец сельской местности, и Янгон основу НПО выглядят все более как и их коллеги в Бангкоке и Сеуле реализации социальных и экологических программ при поддержке международного финансирования, особенно в ликвидации последствий циклона "Наргис". Официальных средствах массовой информации все еще неуклюжий рука пропаганду правительства, но даже небольшие публикации появляются и Интернет становится все более важным источником сбалансированной информации. Голоса бирманской службы Америке три часа ежедневно коротковолновая трансляция будет иметь особенно важное значение в ходе избирательных кампаний в качестве одного из нескольких негосударственный контролируемых источников информации по всей стране.
Конечно, правительство до сих пор многие в его распоряжении средства для борьбы с оппозицией, такие, как закон о выборах и прямого запугивания. Например, должностные лица и члены их семей будут рассказал за кого голосовать, а бдительный кадры, скорее всего, поддержание высокой видимое присутствие на избирательных участках. Закон о выборах, возможно, также исключать отдельных кандидатов - таких, как бывшие политические заключенные или члены этнических групп, которые остаются в вооруженной оппозиции к правительству - в дополнение к давая слишком мало времени для кандидатов от оппозиции, чтобы поднять поддержку, публиковать материалы и кампании. В дополнение к избирательной урне-начинкой, правительство также планирует разработать сообщениям грязных трюков, таких как создание новых политических партий, которые звучат, как оппозиционные партии в попытке запутать избирателей.
Тем не менее, лидеры оппозиции настроены оптимистично, что выборы в этом году даст им ноги в политической дверью, несколько мест в парламенте, и трибуну, с которой, чтобы получить ценный опыт и участвовать в следующих выборах в 2015 году. В том же году президент, скорее всего, начало второго срока, создание условий для действительно опытный кадровой политики кампанию сердца в 2020.
В рамках своей новой формулы взаимодействия, Соединенным Штатам следует рассмотреть вопрос о поддержке мирного политического процесса в Мьянме, которая дает возможность оппозиции принять участие в правительстве.
Продолжение поддержки прав человека имеет важное значение, как это неустанное давление на бирманский правительство освободить политических заключенных и достичь мирного разрядку с оппозицией и этническими группами. Хотя это может показаться на выбор прагматизма над политикой в области прав человека, участие в выборах бирманский фактически является решением, которое преимущества обоих.
Доктор Дрю Томпсон выступает в качестве директора по исследованиям и Китай Старр старший научный сотрудник Центра Никсона в Вашингтоне. Он может быть достигнута при dthompson@nixoncenter.org
Специальный вклад
По Доктор Дрю Томпсон из Центра Никсона
Буддийские монахи протестуют в Yanggon, Мьянмы
Прогулка по улицам Янгона в январе этого года, я увидела тщетность санкций со стороны США на каждом углу. Торговый процветает Steamy улицах и рынках, и рекламные щиты Японии, Южной Кореи и европейских брендов во всем мире. Между тем, лидеры хунты, против которого направлены санкции, которые препятствуют путешествия их семей имеют довольствовались выхода на пенсию в великолепных домах, а их внуки, отказали в визе для посещения Соединенных Штатов, просто пойти в колледж в Европе и Австралии. Санкции лишь к изоляции Соединенных Штатов. Это особенно сожаление в то время, когда Соединенные Штаты должны тщательно наблюдать, и даже влиять, что может быть наиболее важный политический год в новейшей истории Мьянмы.
Дата не установлена, но крошечная кучка генералов, которые имеют монополию на политическую власть заявила выборы пройдут в 2010 году, и никто не сомневается в их произойдет еще до конца года. Большинство являются замешательстве бирманских граждан, и никто не может обвинить их в предположении, что военная хунта, что управляет страной с изолированной столице Найпьидо имеет фальсификации процесса.
Но правда заключается в том, что выборы принесут изменения: может быть, не внезапное прекращение военной хунтой, но важных изменений, и тем не менее, недооценивается. И Соединенные Штаты должны в полной мере.
Выборах в этом году будет острого соперничества оппозиционных политиков стремится получить место в парламенте. Хотя далеко не свободных и справедливых выборов, они могут представлять собой начало долгого и, возможно, извилистой дороге к сравнительно более демократической системе. Новое правительство, несомненно, возникают в Мьянме после того, голосование закончится, которая будет включать непосредственное избрали политики, представляющие
широкий спектр самых различных слоев общества, чем когда-либо прежде. Вместо увольнения этих выборах из-под контроля и называя их обманом, Соединенные Штаты должны тщательно рассмотреть свои варианты и оценить эту потенциально историческую возможность сформировать будущее Мьянмы.
Причина выборов ожидается в ближайшее время является плохое состояние здоровья в общем ненавидел известной как "Номер один", Тан Шве. Лидер переворота 1988 года, Тан Шве стал председателем Государственного восстановлению закона и порядка совета (ГСВП) в 1992 году (в 1997 году ГСВП изменил свое название на государство совета мира и развития) и поддерживается фирмой
контроль над властью и по сей день. Он и его семья нажили состояние, и почти 77 лет своего здоровья не удается, и он готов уйти в отставку. Как и многие диктаторы до него, однако, он понимает, что на пенсию в безопасности может быть более сложным, чем сохранение железный контроль над властью. Как гласит поговорка, "Riding Tiger легко; высадке более сложной".
Для того чтобы он и его семья не предстал перед судом или расстрел раз он откажется от власти, Тан Шве выстроил разработке плана выхода на пенсию, который заменяет его хунты с новым правительством, состоящая из военных и гражданских лиц, которые не будут мощные достаточно, чтобы покарать от него, его семья или его близких друзей. Единственным результатом, который сохраняет свое богатство и свобода является относительно слабой, включительно
военно-гражданского правительства, самостоятельного баланса и проверяет силу какой-либо одной фракции или филиала. Установление прочного гражданского и военного управления требует выборах, которые предоставляют достаточной легитимностью для его поддержки и укрепления авторитета гражданских лиц Vis-à-VIS более мощные вооруженные силы. Извлекая уроки из опыта многие другие военные диктаторы, Тан Шве страхов авторитарных преемник может согнуть на популистские настроения и уничтожить его.
Этот план был ускоренный после выборов 1990 года, в которых лауреат Нобелевской премии Аун Сан Су Чжи и ее Национальной лиги за демократию (НЛД) одержала убедительную победу, побуждая армии игнорировать результаты выборов и выбросить ее в тюрьму. Тан Шве с тех пор когтями, возвращаясь к началу, устранение соперников и преемников, так все время в заговоре с целью принять "дорожную карту" для демократии, которые были в значительной степени освобождается от всех, кроме его ближайших последователей.
В центре Тан Шве плане является Конституция 2008. На первый взгляд, конституции Мьянмы в значительной степени базируется на Конституции США, с тремя ветвями власти формирование системы сдержек и противовесов. Но недостатки Конституции, как и на парламентских выборах и выборе следующего главы государства будет.
Военные гарантировано 25 процентов мест в парламенте, и президент будет выбран из трех кандидатов, взял со стороны правительства, с двумя другими кандидатами становятся вице-президентами.
Хотя это может показаться мрачными, оптимиста, поймут, что 75 процентов мест в парламенте будет выбран путем всенародного голосования, и вполне вероятно, что многие из этих мест будет выиграна кандидатов от оппозиции. Правительство уже работает над набору кандидатов, которые также рассматриваются в их общинах, а не антагонистические военных - таких, как учителя и успешные фермеры - обеспечение того, чтобы парламент входят независимые депутаты, которые являются уважаемыми населением.
С военной гарантировано 25 процентов мест, а остальное распределяется между проправительственной, независимых и оппозиционных парламентариев, маловероятно, что большинство будет прямой контроль законодательной власти, потребовало необходимость компромисса и формирования коалиции.
Тем не менее, есть две вещи, которые стоят на пути этого грандиозного плана - следующее поколение военных лидеров и "леди". Существует никакой гарантии, что следующее поколение сотрудников будет готова разделить власть с гражданскими лицами, особенно те избрали. Они не могут уважать ограничения на власть, как они были изложены на папиросная бумага.
Аун Сан Су Чжи представляет другую потенциальную проблему для генералов. Она должна быть освобожден из-под стражи и позволили свободно вести избирательную кампанию за ее НЛД кандидатов, они бы легко выиграть большинство мест, как это было в ходе выборов 1990 года, когда они завоевали 392 из 485 мест, даже с Аун Сан Су Чжи под домашним арестом . Подавляющее победы НЛД в 2010 году будет почти наверняка неприемлемо предыдущему генералы, которые не хотят, чтобы найти себя на милость давно преследовал и сослан НЛД. Другие переворот, скорее всего, результат, прекращение всякой надежды на представительскую правительства в Мьянме нового на десятилетия вперед.
Чтобы предотвратить это, генералы, скорее всего, направлены на предотвращение Аун Сан Су Чжи из кампаний, держа ее под домашним арестом, пока не будут заключены на выборах. Хотя закон о выборах и избирательном точные даты еще не было объявлено Тем не менее, некоторые аналитики догадываясь, что закон о выборах будет опубликован в начале весны и в возможности проведения выборов, проведенных по numerologically Благоприятная 10 октября (10-10-10). Вместе с тем, Аун Сан Су Чжи заявила, что она является прагматизм, выразив в правительство, что она готова пойти на компромисс и обсуждать что-либо, хотя до сих пор
она не совершила ни НЛД участвовать или бойкотировать процесс. Существует Pervasive воздухе неопределенности. Но если размещение будет достигнуто между генералами и Аун Сан Су Чжи и выборы, она потенциально представляет собой первый шаг в развитии Мьянмы от военной диктатуры к форме представительского правительства знакомый многим из азиатских соседей Мьянмы.
Рассмотрим одну из исторических прецедентов. Республика Корея и президентские выборы в Национальное собрание в 1970-х и особенно в 1987 и 1988 годах, хотя вряд ли считать свободными и справедливыми, дал оппозиционных партий и кандидатов, в том числе нобелевский лауреат и будущий президент Ким Дэ Чжун (который баллотировался на пост президента в три раза до избрания в 1997 году), законным платформой для развития их голосам, привлекать сторонников, изучать политический процесс, и выступают против правящей партии.
Немного мог предсказать его во время первых выборов, Южной Корее, а сегодня в стране укоренились и зрелого демократического процесса при консервативных и либеральных партий обмена власть мирным путем.
Несмотря на Stacked палубу, некоторые политические кандидаты в Мьянме оптимистично по поводу перспектив проведения выборов в этом году. Один из лидеров оппозиции, который провел годы в тюрьме сказал, что правительство призвали его к выдвижению кандидатов для участия в выборах. Признав, что они были лишь небольшой шаг, он сказал: "Что мне нравится в Конституции, что мы можем получить, избранных в парламент, я могу свободно говорить в парламенте, а не на сторону дороги, по трибуна. Почему бы не мы, как люди воспользоваться этой возможностью, чтобы помочь [Тан Шве] сделать изящный выход и усиления демократии в этом процессе? "
В дополнение к энтузиазмом политических кандидатов, гражданское общество растет и дает разреженной базы в поддержку демократии. Несколько организаций перец сельской местности, и Янгон основу НПО выглядят все более как и их коллеги в Бангкоке и Сеуле реализации социальных и экологических программ при поддержке международного финансирования, особенно в ликвидации последствий циклона "Наргис". Официальных средствах массовой информации все еще неуклюжий рука пропаганду правительства, но даже небольшие публикации появляются и Интернет становится все более важным источником сбалансированной информации. Голоса бирманской службы Америке три часа ежедневно коротковолновая трансляция будет иметь особенно важное значение в ходе избирательных кампаний в качестве одного из нескольких негосударственный контролируемых источников информации по всей стране.
Конечно, правительство до сих пор многие в его распоряжении средства для борьбы с оппозицией, такие, как закон о выборах и прямого запугивания. Например, должностные лица и члены их семей будут рассказал за кого голосовать, а бдительный кадры, скорее всего, поддержание высокой видимое присутствие на избирательных участках. Закон о выборах, возможно, также исключать отдельных кандидатов - таких, как бывшие политические заключенные или члены этнических групп, которые остаются в вооруженной оппозиции к правительству - в дополнение к давая слишком мало времени для кандидатов от оппозиции, чтобы поднять поддержку, публиковать материалы и кампании. В дополнение к избирательной урне-начинкой, правительство также планирует разработать сообщениям грязных трюков, таких как создание новых политических партий, которые звучат, как оппозиционные партии в попытке запутать избирателей.
Тем не менее, лидеры оппозиции настроены оптимистично, что выборы в этом году даст им ноги в политической дверью, несколько мест в парламенте, и трибуну, с которой, чтобы получить ценный опыт и участвовать в следующих выборах в 2015 году. В том же году президент, скорее всего, начало второго срока, создание условий для действительно опытный кадровой политики кампанию сердца в 2020.
В рамках своей новой формулы взаимодействия, Соединенным Штатам следует рассмотреть вопрос о поддержке мирного политического процесса в Мьянме, которая дает возможность оппозиции принять участие в правительстве.
Продолжение поддержки прав человека имеет важное значение, как это неустанное давление на бирманский правительство освободить политических заключенных и достичь мирного разрядку с оппозицией и этническими группами. Хотя это может показаться на выбор прагматизма над политикой в области прав человека, участие в выборах бирманский фактически является решением, которое преимущества обоих.
Доктор Дрю Томпсон выступает в качестве директора по исследованиям и Китай Старр старший научный сотрудник Центра Никсона в Вашингтоне. Он может быть достигнута при dthompson@nixoncenter.org
Friday 5 February 2010
Wednesday 3 February 2010
Burma constitution that underpins the election is deeply flawed
British Government: As long as the elections are contested on the current constitution, whatever the outcome they cannot be recognised by the international community
01 February 2010
Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) today welcomes the British Government stands on Burmese junta’s 2008 constitution and planned 2010 election.
Written in the Hansard, Mr. Ivan Lewis, the Minister of State, Foreign and Commonwealth Office said that “The constitution that underpins the election is deeply flawed. It is designed to perpetuate military rule in Burma. As long as the elections are contested on the current constitution, whatever the outcome they cannot be recognised by the international community.” And he went on saying that “It must be clear that without the release of political prisoners and a commitment to an inclusive process in respect of opposition and ethnic groups, the forthcoming elections in Burma will not be recognised by the international community-indeed, they will be entirely illegitimate.”
Mr. Lewis said that “We continue to call for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi. We have made it clear that the elections cannot be credible if political prisoners are not free and able to engage in an inclusive process. We have lobbied China, India and Association of South East Nations members to recognise that only free and fair elections will lead to a stable and secure Burma. We support the UN Secretary-General's continued engagement. Tough EU sanctions will remain in place in the absence of any progress. It is equally important that the entire international community gives a united response to any election outcome. If there were any suggestion that some members of the international community attempted in any way to legitimise that outcome, that would be very dangerous in terms of strengthening the regime. What we seek to achieve is maximum unity of response on the basis that the election will be fought on a flawed constitution.”
Myo Thein, the Director at the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said, “We are very glad to learn British Government’s clear stand on democratisation of Burma and significantly they do not playing into the junta’s illegal 2010 election. We hope that other democratic countries around the world would follow the lead of British Government listening to the genuine voices of people of Burma.”
Junta plotted the ploy and imprisoned Aung San Suu Kyi which is tantamount to turning back on dialogue and ultimately national reconciliation.
With reference to United Nations’ responsibility on democratisation of Burma, Aung San Suu Kyi said that “United Nations should demand the military regime to do national reconciliation first before holding the 2010 election. Otherwise the elections will be illegal, unjust and lack of credibility if it is held before facilitating to take place the national reconciliation”.
A tremendous responsibility rests upon the United Nations Organization to a far better end, and we are looking for a more positive and bolder lead of the United Nations as military regime is trying to nullify the results of the 1990 elections by planning to hold sham election in 2010 even though National League for Democracy (NLD) clearly stated their position in the “Shwe-Gone-Dine” declaration that need to place in order to have genuine national reconciliation in Burma.
Khin Maung Win, the Director at the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said, “The vital issue here is that 1990 election results are still yet to be honoured and the planned elections will be held in accord with 2008 constitution. The essence of the 2008 Constitution is to guarantee impunity indefinitely and the 2010 election will implement it. Moreover, it is systematically designed to entrench military rule in Burma.”
U Tint Swe Thi Ha, the Patron at the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said, “As long as military regime is in power in one form or another, Burma will not be a peaceful state and moreover it will threaten regional stability leading to destabilizing of peace in the world at large since junta has the ambition of possessing nuclear weapons.”
Daw Khin Aye Aye Mar, the Patron at the Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) said, “In addition, the suffering of people of Burma will be never-ending since junta will always extinguish democratic principles and ethnics’ rights with brutal force in order to hold on power. The free and democratic world has a moral responsibility to intervene on behalf of humanity. We want to build democratic Burma prevailing peace, prosperity and progress in the country where everyone can enjoy the freedom of speech, press, beliefs, assembly and rule of law that emphasizes the protection of individual rights.”
For more information please contact Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) at;
Myo Thein 00-44-787-788-2386
Khin Maung Win 00-1-941-961-2622
U Tint Swe Thi Ha 00-1-509-582-3261
Daw Khin Aye Aye Mar 00-1-509-586-8309
Notes to Editor:
1. Burma Constitutional Conference was held in UK, London on 19/20 December 2009 organised by Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) and FBE-UK attended by delegates based in UK
http://www.youtube.com/user/bdcburma#p/u/6/8uuqPLAkKGU
2. Burma Constitutional Conference unanimously adopted the working strategy resolution
http://www.scribd.com/doc/25605089/Burma-Constitutional-Conference-Working-Strategy-Resolution
3. Burmese delegation from NLD-LA-UK, Burma Lawyers’ Council, Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) and Women of Burma (UK) met with FCO officials on 21 December 2009 in order to explain current situation of Burma, the importance of 1990 election results, junta’s 2008 constitution, and planned 2010 election after the Burma Constitutional Conference
4. Gordon Brown has sent a letter to Aung San Suu Kyi on 30 Dec 2009 by saying that “If the scheduled elections proceed under a rigged constitution, with opposition leaders excluded and with no international oversight, the military rulers will be condemning Burma to more years of diplomatic isolation and economic stagnation”
http://www.bdcburma.org/NewsDetails.asp?id=550
5. Burma Democratic Concern (BDC) launched “Yes We Can” Campaign on 4th January 2010 in order to speed up to implement 1990 election result in Burma, to change junta’s sham 2008 constitution and to Boycott junta’s planned sham 2010 election
http://www.bdcburma.org/Statements.asp?Id=71
6. Hansard (the Official Report) is the edited verbatim report of proceedings in both Houses. It is an edited record of what was said in the British Parliament
http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200910/cmhansrd/cm100119/debtext/100119-0002.htm#10011957001031
7. Global Action for Burma (GAB), the coalition of 141 Burmese democratic and ethnics organisations around the world based inside and outside Burma working collectively together to bring about genuine democracy, human rights and rule of law in Burma, on 26 January 2010 call for United Nations Security Council to declare junta’s 2008 constitution as NULL & VOID
http://www.bdcburma.org/Statements.asp?Id=72
8. 14th Forum of Burmese in Europe was held in Germany, Frankfurt on 16/17 January 2010 attended by Burmese delegates from around the Europe. The FBE conference adopted the Burma Constitutional Conference working strategy resolution unanimously
9. Foreign office minister Bill Rammel said on 01 May 2009 that “The regime has pressed ahead with its flawed roadmap process, which looks set to bring about elections in 2010 that entrench military rule”
http://www.bdcburma.org/Statements.asp?Id=44
10. Aung San Suu Kyi said on 24 July 2009 that “United Nations should demand the military regime to do national reconciliation first before holding the 2010 election. Otherwise it will be illegal, unjust and lack of credibility if it is held before facilitating to take place the national reconciliation”
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WIcwVs7XJwc
Tags: Europe | Asia | Myanmar | World | UK | ASEAN | UK Politics | Burma civil disobedience | “freeburma” | Washington DC USA | bdcburma | Aung San Suu Kyi free Burma BDC bdcburma | Aung San Suu Kyi hearing Burma | ASEAN Dr
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